The Filipino American War as seen by diarists in real time with some additional commentary and sourc

[miletus12]

Diary of Thomas H. Briggs August 23, 1898 (Tuesday)

Distance traveled is 231 miles, lat 1640 North, long 199-49 East. Weather very warm. We are skirting along the shore of the island, which seems to be covered with trees.

The 1at South Dakota have sailed. Where do you suppose they are headed?

=======================================================================================================

Diary of Lieutenant X (Aime Ernest Motsch) Tuesday, August 23, 1898

Political Attitude of the Religious

Yesterday, 60 Dominicans left for Hongkong. The departure of other priests of different orders is under consideration. It is unlikely that they will return to Europe. They will wait on English territory for the result of the Congress of Paris on the fate of the Philippines. Their loyalty to Spain is only secondary to their allegiance to the Church. Their great fear is that should the Philippines become independent, they would be compelled to leave one of the richest agricultural lands in the world. They realize that their chance of remaining and keeping their possessions are better if the archipelago is annexed to the United States.

It is shocking to see that the religious are not about to share defeat with Spain after having slowly dispossessed her of these islands these past 350 years. Instead, they are congratulating themselves on the fact that in no less than three months they will retrieve their losses from the United States, with whom they will join forces against their only declared enemies, the indigenous population. The Filipinos will surely be following the evolution of the American policies, particularly the presence of the religious orders in the archipelago, which represents a very sensitive situation, since the Filipino revolution was directed more against the Church than against Spain.

The archbishop of Manila, a Dominican by the name of Nozaleda, has fled on a German ship Darmstadt, which will take him to Shanghai. This prelate, who left his flock at the start of the hostilities, is rumored to be preparing for his return to the Philippines. He has made overtures to General Merritt, and it is certain that these will be accepted. Might is right. Regarding matters on governing the native population, both the Americans and the Church see that mutual benefits can be derived by joining forces.

The Americans no longer hide their feeling that the native population is not capable of governing itself, a conviction evidently shared by the religious. The two powers have only to unite to govern these people, who could be invaluable to them but for whom they feel no real concern.

From this day onward, the archbishop will uphold the need for removing the Philippines from Spanish rule. To defend his position, he states that insamuch as the Americans are much more powerful than the Spaniards, the Philippines should fall under American rule. Not even the devil would dare contradict him.

LT Motsch shows an attitude towards the Catholic church that is not unusual among the French professional classes, especially their military. Why he assumes an American military or political class that is overwhelmingly Protestant would not be as distrustful of Dominicans is beyond me.

As for the Dominicans, as it was in the case of the Mexican territories the United States seized in the Mexican American War, especially in California and the arable parts of Arizona and New Mexico, the "missions" were actual working feudatory settlements where the local monastery or parish would be the landowner and the peons would be serfed to the landholder under Spanish or Mexican law. The Americans tended to break this Church system up when they took over such Spanish lands. They did likewise in the Philippine Islands, but they did not engage in wholesale land reform.

They should have. Forty acres and a carabao works just as well for a Filipino as it does for an American Civil War freedman.

It was called Special Field Orders Number 35.



Just as with The Great Betrayal and for similar reasons, the political classes in the Philippine Archipelago and in the United States are going to betray a similar effort.



Not all gilded age Americans were "evil". Some of them (Arthur MacArthur ^^^) tried to emulate W.T. Sherman.

===============================================================================

Diary of John Henry Asendorf Tuesday, August 23rd, 1898

Again it is very hot all day. We have drill this morning which gives us more than we can really stand. In the afternoon, Joel Ridgeway and Milbert Johnson [and I?], we went back to the old battlefield and take a good look at the ground occupied by both armies so as to obtain better information. The position of both armies run really parallel to each other at a distance of almost 800 yards with outposts between them. These outposts are fortified positions some 300 yards advance of either side. These positions were maintained until the surrender of the city. Joel Ridgeway took several snapshots of our post which he intends to have enlarged on our return home. [Robert] Fox, [Frank] Hustead, [Charles] Collins, [William] De Bolt, [Frank] Brain, [William] Kennedy and John Baird are on the sick list but John Baird was taken to the Brigade Hospital.

The nitwits were not paying attention to regulations. Even in the American Civil War, unless necessary, close order drill was discontinued when the temperature was above 95 degrees Fahrenheit, and the humidity was above 90 percent. The Americans knew about heat stroke.

The battlefield sightseeing was not for official historical purposes though future historians find this 'touristy' curiosity of American soldiers useful. The more literate Americans would either sketch or take photos, keep diaries, and write immediate accounts of the battlefield and what they did. Then they would publish these monographs as local histories in their communities. This is how we have such minutiae about the American side of such wars. The Filipino people have a similar habit, but only now are we Americans seeing this war through their eyes. 

================================================================     

Diary of James J. Loughrey August 23, 1898

We were called out at 8 p.m. and remained on duty until 6 am. The outposts at Cavite had been fired on by the Insurgents who also cut the telegraph wires. There was no trouble.

Hunh? The Katipunan are shooting at your pickets and the telegraph line between Manila and Cavite has been cut. Who are you? William J. Fetterman?

[miletus12]

I thought I would add a little detail about Tei, Hara, the Japanese freedom fighter who aided Aguinaldo.

CAPT. TEI HARA (1864-1933)
LEADER OF THE JAPANESE VOLUNTEERS IN FILIPINO-AMERICAN WAR (1899-1902)
Born in 1864 in Ina, Nagano graduated with honors from Imperial Military Academy and eventually rose to the rank of captain of the Imperial Bodyguard Division. Captain Hara fought under General Tomas Mascardo in the provinces of Zambales and Bataan and was even cited for gallantry in action.
He returned to Japan and fought in Sino-Japanese War (1894-1895), later artillery captain and imperial bodyguard and was promoted to lieutenant colonel, together with other Japanese officers who left Kobe on July 12, 1899. Reached Moji the following day, loaded arms and ammunition for Filipinos, but this shipment was lost in a shipwreck off the China coast on July 21, 1899.
He died in 1933. What makes Hara stand out is that his deathbed request was for his sister or her heir to watch and wait for the independence of the Philippines. As soon as the Philippines was independent this news should be reported to him at his grave.
The names that veterans of the Sino-Japanese War who fought on our side during the Filipino-American War. Their names would have been lost to history if not for this typescript in the Garcia collection. These men are:
Captain Chizuno Iwamoto - army officer, served as staff officer of General Emilio Aguinaldo during the Filipino-American War. Returned to Japan after the fall of Malolos republic,
Lieutenant Sintetu Nishiuchi,
Lieutenant Asahiro Inatomi,
Lieutenant Keizo Miyai,
Lieutenant Kesakichi Mizumati,
Sergeant Major Saburo Nakamori and
Sergeant Shinobu Masuda
Tennōheika Banzai!
Source:
[ ] opinion.inquirer.net/.../japanese-with-a-different...
[ ] groups.google.com/forum/...
[ ] ocw.mit.edu/.../throwing_off_asia_01/hare_b.html

"Bandits" was how General Otis, the war criminal, described them and him.

[gillan1220]

Aug 22, 2022 21:00:56 GMT miletus12 said:

Aug 22, 2022 13:27:16 GMT gillan1220 said:

10,000 of those were supposed to arrive in the Philippines. The ship carrying it sank off the coast of Shanghai.

I know of at least five attempts by Japan to ship arms to the Philippine Islands to support the Revolution of 1896

 The 1896 Revolution

1. How did educated Filipinos (Ilustrados) organize and prepare for another libertarian revolution?

After the Cavite Mutiny, many liberals were exiled to the Marianas and far away islands. After serving their terms, they established themselves in Hong Kong, Japan, Spain and London. Antonio Ma. Regidor had managed to escape and based himself in England where he coordinated with Spanish liberals that included Miguel Morayta. Many of these exiles continued with their liberal advocacies, tying up with the Masonic Lodges in Europe. Many of them remain faceless and nameless. Filipino émigrés and students who went to Spain were systematically introduced to libertarian ideas and recruited to Free Masonry through the efforts of Morayta and Regidor. Morayta recruited Marcelo H. del Pilar and many Filipino students who formed the core of the Propaganda Movement. Del Pilar became the leader of Filipino ilustrados in Spain. Before he left the Philippines in 1888, del Pilar organized a little known secessionist organization called El Cinco. It is believed that the group included del Pilar’s most trusted political allies: his brother-in-law Deodato Arellano (who would become the first President of the Katipunan) and former classmates Mariano Ponce (member of the Hong Kong revolutionary junta, who headed the 3 arms landing attempts from Japan during the resumption of the Philippine Revolution in 1898, and 2 attempts during the Philippine-American War), Pedro Serrano Laktaw (who headed the organization of Masonic Lodges in the Philippines) and

Apolinario Mabini (who became the key adviser and headed the Aguinaldo revolutionary cabinet).

The Katipunan Legacy

The following revolutionary projects were carried out by the liberal ilustrados under del Pilar’s leadership:

a) The consolidation of Filipino Mason liberals in Europe into one mother lodge, Logia Solidaridad, with the blessings of Grand Master Miguel Morayta of Grande Oriente Español, and its expansion in the Philippines with Pedro Serrano Laktaw as key organizer (resulting in the organizazation of 90 All-Filipino Masonic Lodges and triangulos nationwide propagating liberalism and the works of Rizal and the Propaganda Movement).

b) Rizal’s three projects:

• the failed procurement of a large cache of firearms in Japan before he organized La Liga Filipina in 1892. The arms deal was estimated to be between 15,000 to 20,000 firearms and an ample supply of ammunition. Rizal also tapped associates Evangelista et al. to canvass wholesale prices of rifles and ammunition in Belgium at about this time.

• The Borneo project, which was by logical deduction the place of destination of the firearms following the Latin American experiences of organizing an army prior to a revolution overseas. Britain and the North Borneo Company had offered Rizal an unusual generous aid consisting of the lease or sale of the property for 999 years, of 100,000 hectares in Borneo where he can relocate his family and the 250 displaced families of Calamba, with an autonomous local government.

• Rizal’s organization of a legal self-help organization, La Liga Filipina, in 1892, was another classic methodology used by liberal Free Masons prior to launching a revolution. However, friars already knew about this libertarian tactic and had Rizal arrested 4 days after he organized La Liga Filipina.

c) Del Pilar, in coordination with Rizal’s La Liga efforts, developed the concept of organizing the Katipunan as an illegal organization that would work to overthrow the Spanish colonial regime.

I might point out with some sarcasm, that Bonifacio and del Pilar engaged in a tug of war as to organizing principles and taxation strategies to compile the Filipino revolution at this crucial point, and that the Japanese bandits who were supposed to supply the Muratas as well as the rather shady Belgian arms dealers who were supposed to supply (Comblain surplus?) rifles were not paid on time for the attempted shipments.  

We can thank these shady characters for one successful arms shipment. 

Japanese with a different face

By: Ambeth R. Ocampo - @inquirerdotnetphilippine Daily Inquirer / 12:14 AM July 03, 2015

If you walk around the shopping areas of Tokyo or Osaka these days, you will probably bump into Filipinos on tour. It would seem that Japan has replaced Hong Kong as the new preferred destination for short getaways since the Japanese Embassy made it easier to get long-term, multiple-entry tourist visas. It also helps that the Japanese yen is down, making it easier to stretch the shopping budget a bit more. All first-time visitors to Japan return with rave reviews about cleanliness, safety, and efficient public transport that seem to be disappearing in Manila.

When I ask Filipino travelers what they remember of Japan in our history, the two things that always come up are: The atrocities committed by the Japanese Imperial Army during World War II (this includes the “comfort women”), and O Sei-san (or Usui Seiko in some textbooks), who was Rizal’s Japanese “girlfriend.” Younger people who can’t look too far back in history associate Japan with more contemporary culture: electronic gadgets and games, anime, cosplay, manga and ramen. Recently many Japanese companies have opened branches in Manila, with Uniqlo being the most popular because of efficient marketing. Then there are Muji, Family Mart, and a growing number of food establishments like Yabu, Ginza Bairin and, soon, Maisen for tonkatsu (breaded pork), Ippudo for ramen, and Yoshinoya for gyudon (beef on rice bowl).

The country hated so much for what its soldiers did to our country and people during World War II is back, but with a different face. Even I cannot understand why such a civilized and cultured country could act so viciously during the war.

Aside from my current research on the relations between the Philippines and Japan in the 17th century, I am writing a book on the Kudan, or the residence of the Philippine ambassador in Tokyo that is probably the most beautiful and historical embassy we have. It happens to be the childhood home of Yoko Ono. The house and lot were acquired by the Laurel administration in 1944 and have been embassy property ever since.

During my research in the Mauro Garcia Collection in Sophia University, Tokyo, I came across some stray papers that came from our wartime embassy in that city. One of interest to me is a yellowed typescript, “Japanese who aided the Filipinos in their struggles for independence,” on “Ministry of Foreign Affairs” stationery. I presume this was made sometime in 1944-1945 either by Salvador P. Lopez, who worked under Claro M. Recto, our wartime minister of foreign affairs, or by Leon Ma. Guerrero, who worked under Jorge Vargas, our ambassador in Tokyo.

There are 17 entries in this chronological list that gives the names of Japanese who participated in our struggles against the Spanish starting from the late 16th century to the Philippine Revolution and the Philippine-American War. No citations are given, making them mere leads to be followed sometime in the future. The names listed are:

1. DIONISIO FERNANDEZ (no Japanese name in Spanish sources). Christian-Japanese resident of Manila who took part in Tondo conspiracy 1587-1588. Executed with Magat Salamat (son of Lakandula), Agustin de Legaspi (nephew of Lakandula and son-in-law of a Bornean datu). “First Japanese to sacrifice his life for the cause of Philippine freedom.”

2. CAPT. JOAN GAYO (no Japanese name in Spanish sources). Japanese skipper who voyaged from Nagasaki to Manila. Contacted by Magat Salamat in 1587 through Dionisio Fernandez to negotiate arms shipment to be used in uprising against Spain.

3. JOSE MORITARO TAGAWA. Japanese resident of Bocaue, Bulacan, married to Filipina, friend of Pio Valenzuela. Interpreter of KKK and Bonifacio with visiting Japanese naval officer and consul in May 1896.

4. SHU HIRAYAMA. Introduced Mariano Ponce to Takeshi Inukai, Japanese political leader.

5. TAKESHI INUKAI. Leader of Shimpo-to (Progressive party), introduced Ponce to journalists in Tokyo Club and Yaroku Nakamura.

6. DR. YAROKU NAKAMURA. Foremost Japanese advocate of Philippine independence, assisted Ponce in arms purchase, charter of ship to transport arms and recruit Japanese volunteers. Died in 1930.

7. KOSIN KAMIO

8. YASUMASA FUKUSHIMA. Helped Nakamura with several thousand rifles, five million rounds of ammunition, war booty of Sino-Japanese war (1894-95).

9. War Minister TARO KATSURA.

10. War Vice Minister YUJIRO NAKAMURA. Granted Yaroku Nakamura permission to purchase arms for Filipinos.

11. GEN. SOROKU KAWAKAMI. Chief of General Staff Japanese Army, persuaded Minister of Foreign Affairs Shuzo Aoki to permit Nakamura to buy arms for Filipinos.

12. KIHATIRO OKURA. Trader of firearms, handled Ponce-Nakamura purchase amounting to Y125,000 for arms and fees. Ponce paid Nakamura Y155,000, balance of Y30,000 supplemented by sale of Nakamura’s timberland, Y18,000 to purchase the ship Nunobiki Maru to transport arms to the Philippines.

13. CAPT. TEI HARA. Leader of Japanese volunteers in Phil-American War, born 1864, graduated with honors from Imperial Military Academy. Fought in Sino-Japanese war, later artillery captain and imperial bodyguard, together with other Japanese officers who left Kobe on July 12, 1899. Reached Moji the following day, loaded arms and ammunition for Filipinos, but this shipment was lost in a shipwreck off the China coast on July 21, 1899.

14. CAPT. CHIZUNO IWAMOTO. Army officer, served as staff officer of Emilio Aguinaldo during the Philippine-American War. Returned to Japan after the fall of Malolos republic.

(In his case, he had a price on his head. Otis wanted him very much to prove Japanese government direct involvement. M.) 

Finding out more about these men will definitely enrich the history of Philippines-Japan relations.

* * *

The Nunobiki Maru died in a typhoon. The Americans became aware and were outraged after some of her crew survivors spilled the beans to the Chinese on just how huge the conspiracy was inside the imperial Japanese government.

M.

Japan already had long ambitions in Asia to rid it on Western powers. Them supporting the Filipinos against Spain and America was already a sign. Of course, none of these are for free. Aguinaldo would have been willing ally of the Empire.

[miletus12]

Aug 23, 2022 12:21:36 GMT gillan1220 said:

Aug 22, 2022 21:00:56 GMT miletus12 said:

I know of at least five attempts by Japan to ship arms to the Philippine Islands to support the Revolution of 1896

I might point out with some sarcasm, that Bonifacio and del Pilar engaged in a tug of war as to organizing principles and taxation strategies to compile the Filipino revolution at this crucial point, and that the Japanese bandits who were supposed to supply the Muratas as well as the rather shady Belgian arms dealers who were supposed to supply (Comblain surplus?) rifles were not paid on time for the attempted shipments.  

We can thank these shady characters for one successful arms shipment. 

The Nunobiki Maru died in a typhoon. The Americans became aware and were outraged after some of her crew survivors spilled the beans to the Chinese on just how huge the conspiracy was inside the imperial Japanese government.

M.

Japan already had long ambitions in Asia to rid it on Western powers. Them supporting the Filipinos against Spain and America was already a sign. Of course, none of these are for free. Aguinaldo would have been willing ally of the Empire.

I will have unflattering things to write about Emilio Aguinaldo soon enough. Just remember, I am not just writing about him from an American perspective but from a certain "political" point of view.   

As for the Japanese, then, they wanted to displace the Americans, British Dutch, French and Portuguese for the same reason as the Chinese and Russians today want to kick the Americans and the EU out of Africa and the Middle East.

Stealing is what colonial imperialists do.   

The common folk be expletive deleted either in the lands to be pillaged or in the lands doing the pillaging. 



Smedley Butler.

By Kennedy Hickman

Updated on March 10, 2019

Major General Smedley Butler was a decorated war veteran. He is best known for serving in the Caribbean and abroad during World War I.

Early Life

Smedley Butler was born in West Chester, PA on July 30, 1881, to Thomas and Maud Butler. Raised in the area, Butler initially attended West Chester Friends Graded High School before moving on to the prestigious Haverford School. While enrolled at Haverford, Butler's father was elected to the US House of Representatives. Serving in Washington for thirty-one years, Thomas Butler would later provide political cover for his son's military career. A gifted athlete and a good student, the younger Butler elected to leave Haverford in mid-1898 to take part in the Spanish-American War.

Joining the Marines

Though his father wished him to remain in school, Butler was able to obtain a direct commission as a second lieutenant in the US Marine Corps. Ordered to the Marine Barracks in Washington, DC for training, he then joined the Marine Battalion, North Atlantic Squadron and took part in operations around Guantánamo Bay, Cuba. With the withdrawal of the Marines from the area later in the year, Butler served aboard USS New York until being discharged on February 16, 1899. His separation from the Corps proved short as he was able to secure a first lieutenant's commission in April.

In the Far East

Ordered to Manila, Philippines, Butler took part in the Philippine-American War. Bored by garrison life, he welcomed the opportunity to experience combat later that year. Leading a force against the Insurrecto-held town of Noveleta in October, he succeeded in driving off the enemy and securing the area. In the wake of this action, Butler was tattooed with a large "Eagle, Globe, and Anchor" which covered his entire chest. Befriending Major Littleton Waller, Butler was selected to join him as part of a Marine company on Guam. En route, Waller's force was detoured to China to aid in putting down the Boxer Rebellion.

Arriving in China, Butler took part in the Battle of Tientsin on July 13, 1900. In the fighting, he was hit in the leg while trying to rescue another officer. Despite his wound, Butler assisted the officer to the hospital. For his performance at Tientsin, Butler received a brevet promotion to captain. Returning to action, he was grazed in the chest during fighting near San Tan Pating. Returning the United States in 1901, Butler spent two years serving ashore and aboard various vessels. In 1903, while stationed in Puerto Rico, he was ordered to aid in protecting American interests during a revolt in Honduras.

The Banana Wars

Moving along the Honduran coast, Butler's party rescued the American consul in Trujillo. Suffering from a tropical fever during the campaign, Butler received the nickname "Old Gimlet Eye" due to his constantly bloodshot eyes. Returning home, he married Ethel Peters on June 30, 1905. Ordered back to the Philippines, Butler saw garrison duty around Subic Bay. In 1908, now a major, he was diagnosed with having a "nervous breakdown" (possibly post-traumatic stress disorder) and was sent back to the United States for nine months to recover.

During this period Butler tried his hand at coal mining but found it not to his liking. Returning to the Marines, he received command of 3rd Battalion, 1st Regiment on the Isthmus of Panama in 1909. He remained in the area until being ordered to Nicaragua in August 1912. Commanding a battalion, he took part in the bombardment, assault, and capture of Coyotepe in October. In January 1914, Butler was directed to join Rear Admiral Frank Fletcher off the coast of Mexico to monitor military activities during the Mexican Revolution. In March, Butler, posing as a railroad executive, landed in Mexico and scouted the interior.

As the situation continued to worsen, American forces landed at Veracruz on April 21. Leading the Marine contingent, Butler directed their operations through two days of fighting before the city was secured. For his actions, he was awarded the Medal of Honor. The following year, Butler led a force from USS Connecticut ashore on Haiti after a revolution threw the country into chaos. Winning several engagements with the Haitian rebels, Butler won a second Medal of Honor for his capture of Fort Rivière. In doing so, he became one of only two Marines to win the medal twice, the other being Dan Daly.

World War I

With the US entry into World War I in April 1917, Butler, now a lieutenant colonel, began lobbying for a command in France. This failed to materialize as some of his key superiors deemed him "unreliable" despite his stellar record. On July 1, 1918, Butler received a promotion to colonel and command of the 13th Marine Regiment in France. Though he worked to train the unit, they did not see combat operations. Promoted to brigadier general in early October, he was directed to oversee Camp Pontanezen at Brest. A key debarkation point for American troops, Butler distinguished himself by improving conditions in the camp.

(I note here that around 1912 or during the Vera Cruz operation, it appears that Butler became a Marxist. From this moment on he was "watched". M.) 

Postwar

For his work in France, Butler received the Distinguished Service Medal from both the US Army and US Navy. Arriving home in 1919, he took command of Marine Corps Base Quantico, Virginia and over the next five years worked to make what had been a wartime training camp into a permanent base. In 1924, at the request of President Calvin Coolidge and Mayor W. Freeland Kendrick, Butler took a leave from the Marines to serve as Director of Public Safety for Philadelphia. Assuming oversight of the city's police and fire departments, he tirelessly worked to end corruption and enforce Prohibition.

Though effective, Butler's military-style methods, impolitic comments, and aggressive approach began to wear thin with the public and his popularity began to drop. Though his leave was extended for a second year, he frequently clashed with Mayor Kendrick and elected to resign and return to the Marines Corps in late 1925. After briefly commanding the Marine Corps Base at San Diego, CA, he embarked for China in 1927. Over the next two years, Butler commanded the 3rd Marine Expeditionary Brigade. Working to protect American interests, he successfully dealt with rival Chinese warlords and leaders.

(In other words, the corrupt elements in Philadelphia, especially the Pelosis and their gangster allies wanted Butler out. M )

Returning to Quantico in 1929, Butler was promoted to major general. Resuming his task of making the base the showplace of the Marines, he worked to increase the public's awareness of the corps by taking his men on long marches and re-enacting Civil War battles such as Gettysburg. On July 8, 1930, the Commandant of the Marines Corps, Major General Wendell C. Neville, died. Though tradition called for the senior general to temporarily fill the post, Butler was not appointed. Though considered for the permanent position of command and supported by notables such as Lieutenant General John Lejeune, Butler's controversial track record along with ill-timed public comments regarding Italian dictator Benito Mussolini saw Major General Ben Fuller receive the post instead.

(You cannot be a communist in the Corps. M.)

Retirement

Rather than continue in the Marine Corps, Butler filed for retirement and left the service on October 1, 1931. A popular lecturer while with the Marines, Butler began speaking to various groups fulltime. In March 1932, he announced that he would run for the US Senate from Pennsylvania. An advocate of Prohibition, he was defeated in the 1932 Republican primary. Later that year, he publically supported the Bonus Army protesters who sought early payment of the service certificates issued by the World War Adjusted Compensation Act of 1924. Continuing to lecture, he increasingly focused his speeches against war profiteering and American military intervention abroad.

(You cannot be a communist in the republican party. In a peculiarity that did not change until FDR came into the presidency, the republicans masqueraded as the "populist" party who were against the "rum, romanism, rebellion" democrats. Smedley Butler might have tried the democrat side of things, but those "people" in the 1930s were the Klukkers, and he could not bring himself to side with out and out American racists and fascists.  M.)

The themes of these lectures formed the basis for his 1935 work War Is a Racket which outlined the connections between war and business. Butler continued to speak on these topics and his views of fascism in the US through the 1930s. In June 1940, Butler entered the Philadelphia Naval Hospital after being ill for several weeks. On June 20, Butler died of cancer and was buried at Oaklands Cemetery in West Chester, PA.

It can be seen where some of my "peculiar" notions originated?

If you have ever read any of Robert Heinlein's work, then you know from where he got his "weird ideas", too.  

[miletus12]

Aug 23, 2022 5:14:39 GMT miletus12 said:

The 1at South Dakota have sailed. Where do you suppose they are headed?

Diary of Thomas H. Briggs August 24, 1898 (Wednesday)

Arrived at Manila about 9:00 a.m. Where we learn that the city is taken. We do not know weather we will land today or not.

Manila obviously; Merritt needs more infantry. The Katipunan are massing outside the walls.

Diary of John Henry Asendorf Wednesday, August 24th, 1898

The weather is clear and hot and we commence to think the rainy season is over. We have some good fresh beef and have bread issued. Now a Chinese man is baking it for us but it is not very good. It has a sour taste. We go through our regular drills this day. [Robert] Fox, [Frank] Hustead, [Charles] Collins, [Frank] Brain, [James] Hanly and Fred Jennewine are on the sick list.

Apparently, Otis or MacArthur has set up a garrison beef herd. How does a Batangas taste when cut up into steaks? Depends. See next.

The sour bread sounds very much like Japanese "shaku pan". You prepare that "milk bread" wrong and it is VERY sour. I think the Chinese have something similar where they use water buffalo milk. I have tried it. To my North American taste buds, it was both a little sour and fluffy. For soldiers who were used to US government issue hardtack, it would be "different".

====================================================================================================

Journal of E. Huntington Blatchford

There seems to be enough work fixing up quarters here to employ all hands, so we drill not, neither do we loaf. I have been engaged on a tile drain—the one that passes the cook-house door. The section in front of our kitchen is a trifle out of repair; in fact, it resembles a mud-hole more than a well-built drain. But there are plenty of brick to be had, and the job is not a bad one.

As I was coming in with a cart loaded with brick I noticed that two companies were lined up in front of quarters. Thinking it was drill, I was going through the line when an officer shouted to drop the cart and fall in. I made a dive for my bunk and grabbed my belt and carbine, and got out just after E Troop had got outside the gates. I felt, what I had never been conscious of before, a strong desire to get with my troop to share whatever might come with the fellows I knew.

When we were lined up on the parade-ground, we could hear several scattering shots, and I can tell you it sent a thrill through us to hear two sharp cracks of the Krag-Jorgensen to every one of the singing Mausers. The shots were few, and not in volleys, and we began to feel as if we had been fooled. When two bodies were carried across the parade ground on stretchers, we knew it was no practice alarm. Extra boxes of ammunition were brought out, and every man served out with forty rounds, which brought up the number of cartridges in our belts to ninety. We had not waited long before three insurgent officers came across the green and went to the officers’ quarters. After they came out we were recalled, and attacked our late supper. The whole affair proved to be a blunder. A squad of insurgents had shot down two drunken battery men who were recklessly discharging their six-shooters on the way home from the town. The insurgents made matters worse by firing without reason at several of our outposts. The feeling to-night is one of great excitement, for there is liable to be friction at any time, as the shooting blood of the natives is up and they long to pull the trigger—officers or no officers. We sleep with gun and belt beside us, ready to fall in at any time. There is less noise and more thinking than last night.

First: the two shot men apparently were the drunken troopers who were hurrahing Manila like it was Tombstone, Arizona. What did those idiots think was going to happen to them? The Filipinos national liberation army took their regulations from the Spanish military, just like the Vietnamese military took their proto-army regulations from the French who were their model for the way they conducted themselves. Both armies emphasized a "provost" or military police presence stronger than the Americans did. Looser American discipline was going to have a much more extremely negative impression upon the Katipunan than the American officer cadres realized. So: the drunks were shot due to Filipino misunderstanding what "hurrahing" meant and the pickets exchanged outpost line fire.     

When cowboys after a cattle-drive or really hard ranching winter in the American West went to town to celebrate, they tended to cut loose, get drunk and shot up the town. I do mean they shot it up. The idea of gun control started in the American west, where the concept of "checking your gun in with law enforcement" was invented. It worked. If you did not control drunks with guns, you had "problems". Famous law men like Wyatt Earp and Bill Hickock got famous due to poor gun control at the civic end and poor gun control by the drunken fools they put into the ground. It is easy for sober men to outdraw and outshoot drunks.     
 
Second: it appears that officer discipline of their men and knowledge of events on the Katipunan side was "good", certainly better than that of US 8th Corps. The Katipunan sent across an officer delegation to deconflict and de-escalate before Boots and Saddles led to Call to Arms. That happens and all pandemonium breaks loose. 

The point is that two armies face across a pitched and picketed neutral land and are in a state of de facto armed truce. It will only take one stupid incident to set off a war. It appears that at this moment, the Americans are the ones who might be the bunglers to set it off. Discipline has to tighten up on the American side... a lot. But then, they should not be there in the first place.

M.      

[miletus12]

Who were the US cavalry in Manila in 1898?

FOURTH U. S. CAVALRY.

Four Troops May Form the

Third Expedition to the Philippines.

Under General Orders No. 2, from the headquarters of the Department of the Pacific, recently published In The Call, the Fourth United States Cavalry Regiment was assigned to the regular brigade, in command of General Miller, of the Philippine expeditionary forces. Yesterday the following order was Issued from the headquarters of General Merriam: Headquarters Department of California. SAN FRANCISCO, June 15, ISOS. 6. Under authority of the Secretary of War, Troops C, I, X and L, Fourth United States Cavalry, are hereby relieved from duty in this department, and will be reported by the Senlor officer to Major General Wesley Merritt, United States Army, now In San Francisco, Cal., for duty In the Department of the Pacific. By command of MAJOR GENERAL MERRIAM. J. B. BENNET, First Lieutenant Seventh Infantry. Aid, Acting Assistant Adjutant General.

Troop C is commanded by Captain George H. G. Gale; Troop I by Captain James Lockett; Troop X by Captain Harry C. Benson, and Troop L by Captain Cunliffe H. .Murray, and all are under the command of Major Sanford T. Kellogg. While no definite orders have been officially conveyed to Major Kellogg in regard to the time of sailing, it is regarded as highly probable that the four troops mentioned will be directed to join the next expedition for the Philippines. In all there will be six troops of the Fourth Cavalry in the Manila expeditionary forces. Troop G. in command of Lieutenant Brown, will arrive here to-day from Walla Walla and proceed at once to Camp Merritt. to be followed by Troop E. under Captain McGraw, which reached the Presidio a few days ago from the north. Troops C, I, X and L expect to move to Camp Merritt in a day or two Troop B. In command of First' Lieutenant Neal, and Troop M. under First Lieutenant Nolan, will remain at the Presidio not having been assigns to duty with! the Philippine expeditionary forces. At the Presidio last evening the news of the assignment to Manila created great enthusiasm among the officers and enlisted men who had been selected for service at the front. First Lieutenant W. O. Haan Third United States Artillery, adjutant of Camp Miller at the Presidio, has been appointed signal officer and ordnance officer of the heavy artillery of the Independent Division of the Philippine expeditionary forces.

In practical terms that is 700 horsemen. Who are the 4th US Cavalry?



They shipped their expletive deleted horses across the Pacific with the troops?

General:

Elements of the Fourth U.S. Cavalry were sent to the Philippines during the Spanish American War. Arriving too late to take part in the actions of that war, the unit soon found itself involved in the Philippine-American War.

Background:

The outbreak of the Spanish American War found the Fourth U.S. Cavalry serving in the U.S. West, guarding the frontier. As the Spanish American War dragged on into the summer, and it became obvious that a sizeable force of troops would possibly be needed to take Manila, portions of the 4th U.S. Cavalry were ordered to the Philippines. Of the 4th Cavalry, Troops C, E, G, I,K and L were sent to the Philippines. Troops D and H remained at Fort Yellowstone, Wyoming, while the Headquarters staff and Troops B and M remained stationed at the Presidio, in San Francisco, California.

The portions of the unit sent to the Philippines became part of the Fourth Philippine Expedition, which was under the command of General E. S. Otis. They were accompanied by two batteries of the 6th U.S. Artillery, five companies of the 14th U.S. Infantry and several detachments of recruits. All told, the expedition consisted of 42 officers and 1,640 men. The expedition shipped out on the transports PERU and CITY OF PUEBLO.


General Otis

The expedition left San Francisco on July 15 1898, and arrived in the Philippines on August 21, 1898. The fighting against the Spanish had effectively ended about a week before their arrival. On August 13, Manila had fallen, while simultaneously halfway around the world, an armistice with Spain was reached. News of the armistice did not reached the Philippines in time for the Spanish to retain Manila, which actually fell after the armistice was declared. From the fall of Manila until the end of the war, an uneasy peace between the Spanish, Americans and Philippine forces remained in effect, and the 4th saw no fighting.

The Spanish American War ended with the signing of the Peace Protocols on December 10, 1898. In February, 1899, the Philippine-American War broke out, and the Fourth U.S. Cavalry took part in that war.

Bibliography:

Clerk of Joint Committee on Printing, The Abridgement of Message from the President of the United States to the Two Houses of Congress. (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1899.) Vol 3, 486-488, 500.

Cohen, Stan. Images of Spanish American War, April-August,1998. (Missoula:Pictorial Histories Publishing Co., Inc., 1997) 100 (image of Otis), 254.

Not too good. The Filipino Katipunan were in a lot of trouble as they were not used to this kind of warfare, being mainly light infantry who fought Spanish garrison soldiers. I mean a lot of trouble. The 4th US was just about as rough a bunch of Native American Wars veterans as they came. And they were US Cavalry. In practical terms, that would be the 1898 version of "special forces".  

[miletus12]

Diary of Thomas H. Briggs August 25, 1898 (Thursday)

Soon after dinner, we went aboard a small steamer boat and were taken to a small town called Cavete (Cavite). Our two [battalions] were quartered within a magnificent Roman Catholic church, connected with which are strong fortifications of solid masonry, which runs along the shore. These were put up some time in 1600 and must have cost a very large sum of money. Could the old walls speak, I little [doubt] that they would tell tales of cruelty and torture. It was at one time a fine church. The alters were a fine piece of [work]. There were 14 statues, some of them was taken down and broken. Parts of the floor taken up in places. There has been people buried by the alters. We could see the headstones laid in the floor.

What church was this? 



Circa 1896? Imus Cathedral, Cavite.  

I am guessing this is the church for the 1st South Dakota Volunteers, but I do not see the "fortifications" aspect unless the church is solidly inside the walls. That would not be characteristic of Spanish mission churches of which I have seen and visited in the United States and Mexico.    

General:

The 1st South Dakota Volunteer Infantry served in the Philippines during the Spanish American War and the Philippine American War.

The Unit History:

The 1st South Dakota Volunteer Infantry was formed from part of the South Dakota National Guard. The unit was ordered mobilized on April 30, 1898, under the command of Colonel Alfred S. Frost, a former U.S. Army lieutenant. Encamped at the east end of Souix Falls, the men were placed in in tents - ten to a tent - formerly used by the Madison Chautauqua. Mustering into Federal service occurred between May 12 and 19, 1898. The unit consisted of 46 men and 983 enlisted men. By the time of its muster out, the unit would decrease in size to include only 622 enlisted men.

Camp life was somewhat trying between the hard work, the boredom and the outbreaks of disease. With men brought together from all areas, often childhood diseases would spread rapidly to pockets of men not formerly exposed. Such was the case among the men of the First South Dakota, which lost several men to measles. The local citizens did their best for men, with various churches preparing dinners for the unit's different companies. It was also while they were in camp that men received their weapons. They were issued the outdated 1873 Springfield .45-70 "Trapdoor" rifle, a weapon the men would have to use during their entire term of service.

After training, the 1st South Dakota was sent to Camp Merritt. The unit departed for this camp, located at San Francisco near the Presidio, among a series of cemeteries, on May 29. At Camp Merritt, the men of the unit finally received their uniforms. Unfortunately, the color was not stable, and the uniforms soon became very "un-uniform." The uniforms were returned to the manufacturer and new uniforms supplied.

The First South Dakota left for the Philippines on July 23, 1898, with part of the unit making the journey aboard the SAINT PAUL and RIO DE JANEIRO along with troops from Colorado and Minnesota. After nine days at sea, a first for most of the South Dakotans, the unit arrived in Hawaii, where part of the unit was encamped at Queen Lili'uokalani's palace.

On August 10, the First South Dakota departed Hawaii on the last leg of its journey, arriving at Cavite, in Manila Bay, on August 31. The troops settled into quarters in the Cathedral of Cavite. On arriving, the men would have learned that the fighting had ended. Manila had fallen to U.S. forces on August 13, the same day that an armistice was signed between the U.S. and Spain ending the fighting.

About a month later, the First South Dakota was transferred from Cavite to Manila, where the First and Third battalions were quartered in the former home of a Spanish officer, and the second battalion was quartered in Spanish Barracks at the Malacanan Palace, where General Otis had his headquarters. The unit's work involved guarding the San Lazarus Leper Hospital, Bilibib Prison, the Bridge of Spain, as well as providing guards for Generals Otis, McArthur and Miller.

While at Manila, the unit was officially issued new cork helmets. However, the colonel ordered these destroyed, and ordered straw hats with a black tally reading "First South Dakota Volunteer Infantry" in yellow letters for the men.

On February 4, 1899, the Philippine American War broke out between the U.S. and its former defacto ally, the Filipino Insurgents. The First South Dakota saw actions in the opening phases of this conflict.

On August 11, 1899 the First South Dakota Volunteer Infantry boarded the Transport MORGAN CITY, with some members being aboard the Transport INDIANA, bound for San Francisco, by way of Japan. The unit was mustered out on October 5, 1899 at san Francisco.

During its term of service, one of its officers drowned, twenty-four enlisted men were killed in action or from wounds, thirty-five were lost to disease, one died in an accident, four men deserted. In addition, three officers and ninety men were wounded, and fifty-nine were discharged for disabilities.

Bibliography:

Hosford, Olin - Image of John L. Wells
Krueger, Herman F., "A South Dakotan's Experiences in the Spanish American War" South Dakota Historical Collections, Vol. 39 (Pierre: South Dakota State Historical Society, 1979).
Statistical Exhibit of Strength of Volunteer Forces Called into Service During the War with Spain; with Losses from All Causes. (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1899).

The Cathedral was vandalized, and it had to be a recent vandalization. I do not see the Ilustrados as the defilers and bandits despite their "Free Mason" origins as being the instigators, nor do I see the Katipunan who formed the Filipino national liberation army cadres. The Spaniards are definitely not going to be defilers, so that leaves bandits or the Americans. Which Americans would those be?

The 1st California. Who else would desecrate a church and loot it?   

Based on their Forty Niner history, it figures.

Diary of John Henry Asendorf Thursday, August 25th, 1898

The weather is pretty. We are still doing guard duty but have no drill except for dressparade in the evening for it is too hot. We all sent mail home on the Senator which leaves for the U.S. without troops. We all receive mail after dressparade and we all went to be happy. [Robert] Fox, [Frank] Hustead, [Charles] Collins, [Frank] Brain, [James] Hanly and Fred Jennewine remain on the sick list.

Nothing of import for the 10th Pennsylvania goon squads to do. Manila is quiet. Plenty to do a bit south and east of the city, though. That is where the provost marshal squads are needed in force. 

[miletus12]

Diary of Thomas H. Briggs August 26, 1898 (Friday)

We were kept busy all day fixing our quarters, arranging a suitable place outdoors for cooking.

If they followed the regulations, this means they arranged a cook fire area outside the church and rectory.





We really do not have a good photographic record of these guys.

Diary of John Henry Asendorf Friday, August 26th, 1898

The weather is fine but hot. We have no dress parade this day. I went down to the beach and gathered up some shells and watched boats going in and out of the river. The cable between this city and Hong Kong is in working order again. Everybody is in good humor. Soapy [Frank Sullivan] is baking some more biscuits and we have another issue of fresh meat. [Ray] Rush, [Jacob] Landis and [Charles] Herrington are on the sick list.

The important news here is that the United States Navy has laid cable to repair the Hong Kong to Manila cable Dewey cut. They control the terminus at Manila / Cavite, not the British or the Spanish. It will be at least another year before the USG has its own independent communications across the Pacific Ocean, but once that happens, the British monopoly on information and communications will be through in this area and so will British pre-eminence in the Pacific Ocean. This will be a watershed moment in world affairs as far as freedom of information is concerned.

[gillan1220]

Aug 26, 2022 3:50:03 GMT miletus12 said:

Diary of Thomas H. Briggs August 26, 1898 (Friday)

We were kept busy all day fixing our quarters, arranging a suitable place outdoors for cooking.

If they followed the regulations, this means they arranged a cook fire area outside the church and rectory.





We really do not have a good photographic record of these guys.

Diary of John Henry Asendorf Friday, August 26th, 1898

The weather is fine but hot. We have no dress parade this day. I went down to the beach and gathered up some shells and watched boats going in and out of the river. The cable between this city and Hong Kong is in working order again. Everybody is in good humor. Soapy [Frank Sullivan] is baking some more biscuits and we have another issue of fresh meat. [Ray] Rush, [Jacob] Landis and [Charles] Herrington are on the sick list.

The important news here is that the United States Navy has laid cable to repair the Hong Kong to Manila cable Dewey cut. They control the terminus at Manila / Cavite, not the British or the Spanish. It will be at least another year before the USG has its own independent communications across the Pacific Ocean, but once that happens, the British monopoly on information and communications will be through in this area and so will British pre-eminence in the Pacific Ocean. This will be a watershed moment in world affairs as far as freedom of information is concerned.

Heat was a problem. Many troops were not used to the tropical heat of Cuba, Puerto Rico, and the Philippines. There was also malaria and dengue to be concerned with. Those mosquitoes are nasty.

[miletus12]

Aug 26, 2022 12:13:35 GMT gillan1220 said:

Expand

Heat was a problem. Many troops were not used to the tropical heat of Cuba, Puerto Rico, and the Philippines. There was also malaria and dengue to be concerned with. Those mosquitoes are nasty.

This is quite a cogent observation. The Americans do have a track record with this kind of problem.

Figure. Outbreaks of yellow fever reported during 1693–1905 among cities comprising part of present-day United States. Because deaths from yellow fever were often not recorded, or only referred to as “a significant portion of the population” and thus not accounted for here, the numbers presented in this figure represent a minimum for the cities cited (4,6–8).

Volume 24, Number 5—May 2018 Perspective History of Mosquitoborne Diseases in the United States and Implications for New Pathogens

Max J. Moreno-MadriñánComments to Author and Michael Turell
Author affiliations: Fairbanks School of Public Health, Indiana University–Purdue University Indianapolis, Indianapolis, Indiana, USA (M.J. Moreno-Madriñán); VectorID LLC, Frederick, Maryland, USA (M. Turell)
Cite This Article

Abstract
The introduction and spread of West Nile virus and the recent introduction of chikungunya and Zika viruses into the Americas have raised concern about the potential for various tropical pathogens to become established in North America. A historical analysis of yellow fever and malaria incidences in the United States suggests that it is not merely a temperate climate that keeps these pathogens from becoming established. Instead, socioeconomic changes are the most likely explanation for why these pathogens essentially disappeared from the United States yet remain a problem in tropical areas. In contrast to these anthroponotic pathogens that require humans in their transmission cycle, zoonotic pathogens are only slightly affected by socioeconomic factors, which is why West Nile virus became established in North America. In light of increasing globalization, we need to be concerned about the introduction of pathogens such as Rift Valley fever, Japanese encephalitis, and Venezuelan equine encephalitis viruses.

Thumbnail of Outbreaks of yellow fever reported during 1693–1905 among cities comprising part of present-day United States. Because deaths from yellow fever were often not recorded, or only referred to as “a significant portion of the population” and thus not accounted for here, the numbers presented in this figure represent a minimum for the cities cited (4,6–8).
Figure. Outbreaks of yellow fever reported during 1693–1905 among cities comprising part of present-day United States. Because deaths from yellow fever were often not recorded, or only referred to as “a significant...

The recent explosive outbreaks of disease throughout the Americas caused by the introduction of Zika and chikungunya viruses has raised several questions, including whether these or similar disease-causing pathogens could spread into countries located at temperate latitudes, particularly into the continental United States. The conventional perception is that diseases caused by mosquito-transmitted pathogens are mostly associated with tropical areas (1). Indeed, such areas include the ranges of temperature and other climatic conditions that are ideal for the vectors of these pathogens. Moreover, because such diseases are clearly more prevalent in these areas, we might easily assume that the association between the tropics and mosquito-transmitted pathogens indicates that temperate regions are at less risk for these diseases because of their cooler climates. However, this expectation of safety should not be taken for granted. In fact, cases of disease caused by mosquito-transmitted pathogens such as West Nile virus (WNV) occur readily in North America (2), and several encephalitides occasionally occur in the United States (3). In addition, history reveals that yellow fever and malaria were once very common in the United States and resulted in millions of cases (4,5). More than 100,000 deaths occurred in the United States in the 18th and 19th centuries from yellow fever alone (4) (Figure), in areas considered as temperate or cold according to the Köppen-Geiger climate classification scheme (6).

Historical Aspects
The Aedes aegypti mosquito and 2 of its transmitted viruses (yellow fever and dengue viruses) and the plasmodia parasites of malaria (Plasmodium vivax and P. falciparum) are believed to have arrived to the Americas during the 17th century by ship during the slave trade (7–9). During the 17th century (even during a cold period known as the Little Ice Age) until the 19th century, summertime malaria was present in much of the eastern United States, including northern areas of the country (10). Numerous outbreaks of malaria occurred as far north as Massachusetts, with documented outbreaks occurring during 1793–1799 and in 1806, 1810, 1820, 1828, and 1836; nearly 2,000 cases were reported during an outbreak in 1880 alone (11). In the subtropical southern states along the Mississippi Valley during the 18th and 19th centuries, malaria spread quickly, especially during the American Revolutionary War and Civil War (5). Malaria is reported to have caused ≈1,300,000 cases of illness and ≈10,000 deaths among soldiers during the 4 years of the Civil War (5). Although mosquito transmission of disease-causing organisms was not proved until 1889, the coincidental use of window and door screens might have contributed to the lowering prevalence by the beginning of the 1880s (12).

Efforts to control mosquitoes by draining mosquito larval habitat sites have been undertaken since 1930 by the US government (13). However, such efforts might have been improperly managed, and the depopulation of the rural South likely was the main factor leading to the substantial reduction in malaria by the early 1940s (13). In 1947, the National Malaria Eradication Program, a cooperation between the state and local health agencies of 13 southeastern states and the Communicable Disease Center of the US Public Health Service, commenced the operations that presumably resulted in the elimination of malaria from the United States (14). The application of DDT and drainage of mosquito larval habitats were the main control methods used. By the early 1950s, after 3 years with no indigenous cases (based on eradication criteria stated by the National Malaria Society at the time), malaria was considered to be no longer endemic in any given area of the continental United States (14). Although 63 outbreaks of locally transmitted mosquitoborne malaria were reported in the United States during 1957–2003, these outbreaks consisted of only 156 cases (15) and were caused by mosquitoes infected after biting persons that had acquired the pathogen in other countries (16). Still, concern about malaria exists because the 3 mosquito species that transmitted malaria in the United States before its eradication, Anopheles quadrimaculatus, An. freeborni, and An. pseudopunctipennis, along with other anopheline species, are still present in the country (16). Thus, rather than the mere control of the vector, the introduction of screening, air conditioning, television, and other enhancements (i.e., improved socioeconomic conditions), along with improved early diagnosis and access to treatment, might also have helped eliminate human reservoirs and eradicate malaria from the United States.

Yellow fever epidemics were common in northeastern US cities as far north as Boston, Massachusetts; Portsmouth, New Hampshire; and Providence, Rhode Island, during the 18th century and the beginning of the 19th century (4,17). The large epidemic of yellow fever in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, in the summer of 1793 (resulting in ≈5,000 deaths) was a contributing factor in the decision to move the nation’s capital to the city of Washington (18), and epidemics in 1798 in Philadelphia and New York, New York, resulted in 3,500 and 2,080 deaths, respectively (4). After 1822, yellow fever epidemics in the United States were generally restricted to more southern cities (4). In addition, major epidemics occurred in New Orleans, Louisiana, in 1853 (≈9,000 deaths) (4) and Savannah, Georgia, in 1876 (1,066 deaths) (4). In the great epidemic of 1878, 16,000–20,000 deaths from yellow fever occurred along the Mississippi River, from the Gulf of Mexico to Memphis, Tennessee, and St. Louis, Missouri (4). Overall, at least 100,000 deaths were attributed to yellow fever in the United States during 1693–1905 (4). Within a few years after the discovery in 1901 that yellow fever was transmitted by mosquito, the last locally acquired cases of yellow fever in the United States were reported in 1905 in Pearlington, Mississippi (46 deaths), and New Orleans (437 deaths) (4,11). It is important to note that open cisterns were common in homes of the Mississippi Gulf Coast from the 18th century through the early 20th century and that ≈5,000 deaths from yellow fever occurred in Mississippi roughly within the same period (11). Important aspects in commonly characterizing these yellow fever epidemics were the tendency for them to occur during summer and fall and in port cities with active trade with the Caribbean Islands (Figure). Today, these aspects still represent a concern but now are not just limited to port cities as our increasingly global society experiences increasing numbers of travelers flying from tropical areas (19), especially during the summer season.

On the basis of identification of Ae. aegypti mosquitoes as the primary vector of yellow fever by the Walter Reed Commission in 1901 and the earlier discovery by Ronald Ross that the parasite that causes malaria is transmitted by mosquito (20), the first actions taken by US companies that took over the construction of the Panama Canal in Panama was the eradication of mosquitoes, mainly by draining or oiling of larval rearing sites and fumigation with pyrethrum (21). In 1947, the Pan American Sanitary Bureau, later renamed the Pan American Health Organization, implemented a program that lasted until 1970 to eradicate Ae. aegypti mosquitoes and consequently dengue (7). The mosquito was declared eradicated from 18 continental countries in the Americas in 1962 (22). The apparent success of the elimination program, along with environmental concerns about the use of pesticides such as DDT, were among the reasons to end it. However, since 1971, Ae. aegypti mosquitoes have started regaining their previous geographic distribution, including a notable increase occurring after 2000 (7). The failure to eradicate this vector in the Americas was a major factor leading to the reemergence of dengue (22) and very likely to the recent appearance of chikungunya and Zika viruses. Dengue outbreaks have continued to occur in southern Texas and southern Florida as recently as 2011 (23,24). However, these outbreaks have been more associated with the high proportion of persons traveling from dengue-endemic countries than to climatic or socioeconomic conditions.

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Socioeconomic Changes and Anthroponotic Pathogens
As we have mentioned, the mosquito vectors capable of transmitting malaria, yellow fever, and dengue have been present throughout much of the United States since the 1600s (4,7,11). What has clearly changed in the United States from the 18th and 19th centuries to the present is the availability of potable water, sanitation, and social lifestyles. These developments have essentially eliminated the need to store water in indoor containers and reduced contact with mosquitoes. After World War II, and particularly during the 1950s, a boom in the US economy increased the standard of living and aided the widespread use of television and air conditioning. In addition, the use of screened terraces and windows increased. These commodities influenced persons to spend a longer time indoors or in screened areas (thus decreasing outdoor exposure to mosquito bites) and made indoor environments less accessible to outside mosquitoes. Because changes in living conditions in the United States reduced the opportunity for contact between mosquitoes and humans, these changes substantially affected the transmission of those pathogens for which humans are the primary amplifying host. Such pathogens fall into the group of anthroponoses (i.e., those in which humans are the principal vertebrate host). Thus, diseases such as malaria, yellow fever, and dengue have all but disappeared (4,7,9,14–16), and the viruses that cause chikungunya and Zika, which arrived into the United States after living conditions had improved, have not become established in the continental United States despite the occurrence of ≈10,000 imported cases of these infections since 2014 (25,26).

The impact of changing cultural and socioeconomic conditions on the prevalence of anthroponotic diseases over time has also been observed when the cultural and socioeconomic conditions change across geographic areas. Contemporary observations of dengue prevalence in contiguous cities at the United States–Mexico border indicate lower dengue prevalence and higher socioeconomic conditions on the US side (27,28). The lower rates of dengue, chikungunya, and Zika virus infection reported in the United States compared with Latin America countries coincide with higher socioeconomic conditions in the United States (29). Although malaria and yellow fever are transmitted by different mosquitoes and the larval habitats and biting behaviors of these mosquitoes are different, both diseases are similar in that humans are essentially the only amplifying vertebrate host. Therefore, continued transmission would require considerable mosquito–human contact, and either a reduction in the number of mosquitoes present or their ability to bite humans would be necessary to reduce the potential for continued transmission.

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Potential for the Introduction of Zoonotic Viruses
This association between socioeconomic status and prevalence of diseases caused by mosquito-transmitted pathogens applies more to anthroponotic than to zoonotic pathogens (i.e., those pathogens in which animals other than humans play a major role in the transmission cycle). These zoonotic viruses cause diseases such as WNV infection, St. Louis encephalitis, eastern equine encephalitis, western equine encephalitis, and La Crosse encephalitis. These viruses are maintained in natural transmission cycles involving various mosquito and bird or rodent species and therefore are not usually greatly affected by improved housing for humans. Because humans are not involved in the transmission cycle of these viruses, the viruses persist in the United States, whereas anthroponotic pathogens (e.g., malaria and dengue and yellow fever viruses), which involve only humans as vertebrate amplifying hosts, have been essentially eliminated (4,7,8,14–16). In contrast, zoonotic viruses, such as eastern equine encephalitis and La Crosse viruses, continue to be a cause of disease (30,31), and the introduction of WNV in 1999 (32) illustrates the potential for an exotic virus to become established in North America. Since its introduction in 1999, WNV has spread throughout the continental United States as well as to southern Canada and most of Central and South America (33,34). In the continental United States, ≈40,000 cases and ≈2,000 deaths have been attributed to WNV infection (2). Thus, unlike the anthroponotic viruses chikungunya and Zika, which failed to become established in the continental United States despite the introduction of ≈10,000 imported cases (25,26), exotic zoonotic viruses could very likely be introduced and become established, with potentially devastating consequences.

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Recent History of the Introduction of Novel Viruses
Like yellow fever and dengue viruses, chikungunya and Zika viruses are also anthroponotic viruses transmitted by Ae. aegypti mosquitoes. These viruses were recently introduced into the Americas, where each has caused massive outbreaks in South and Central America as well as in the Caribbean, resulting in ≈2 million infections with chikungunya virus (35) and ≈750,000 infections with Zika virus (36). These outbreaks have led to the introduction of numerous imported cases into the continental United States, where ≈3,500 imported cases of chikungunya virus infection (25) and ≈5,000 imported cases of Zika virus infection (26) have been reported to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC). In addition to the Ae. aegypti mosquito, the Ae. albopictus mosquito has been implicated as a potential vector of Zika (37,38) and chikungunya (39,40) viruses. The first locally acquired chikungunya case in the continental United States was reported in Florida in July 2014 (41). As of December 31, 2016, CDC has reported 3,869 chikungunya cases in the United States, of which 13, all in southern Florida, have been identified as locally transmitted (25). Zika virus is of particular concern because of its potential to cause Guillain-Barré syndrome and congenital abnormalities such as microcephaly (42,43) and because it can be transmitted not only through mosquito bites but also from mother to child, by blood transfusion, and through sexual contact (44). Indeed, the first case identified in the United States (in 2008) was attributed to sexual transmission (45). As of July 12, 2017, CDC has reported a total of 5,381 cases of Zika virus infection in the continental United States, including 49 cases acquired through sexual transmission or routes other than mosquito transmission and 224 cases assumed to be transmitted locally by mosquito bite (26). Local mosquito transmission was first reported in July 2016 in southern Florida (46), and genetic studies indicate that 4–40 separate introductions of the virus contributed to the outbreaks (47). In addition, similar to dengue and chikungunya, cases of locally transmitted Zika virus have been identified in southern Texas (48). Most of these introductions originated from the Caribbean, as indicated by genetic and surveillance analysis and supported by the high influx of travelers from this high-incidence region (47). As we previously mentioned, the active trade between the Caribbean and the United States played a key role in influencing the abundance of yellow fever outbreaks in the United States during 1693–1905 (4). This history demonstrates not only the potential threat for the arrival of new pathogens from tropical origins but, in general, the risk of globalization for the introduction of new pathogens as a whole and the importance of paying attention to the public health of developing countries as a way to ensure the safety of local public health everywhere.

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Conclusions
Although anthroponotic pathogens such as yellow fever virus and malaria were once prevalent in the United States (including the northern states), their prevalence occurred when socioeconomic conditions were poor. However, when these conditions improved, such diseases virtually disappeared. Since 2014, despite the introduction of ≈10,000 imported cases of Zika or chikungunya virus infections, relatively few local cases have been reported, and all of them occurred in areas where Ae. aegypti mosquitoes were present (i.e., neither of these 2 viruses has managed to become established in the continental United States). On the other hand, as illustrated by WNV, a zoonotic virus has the potential to be introduced and become established. Zika and chikungunya viruses failed to become established because they are anthroponotic viruses, whereas WNV was able to become established because it is a zoonotic virus (some other zoonotic viruses such as Japanese encephalitis and Rift Valley fever viruses show similar potential). Improvement in standards of living inhibits anthroponotic but not zoonotic viruses. Given that the decreased exposure of humans to mosquitoes in the United States is primarily driven by changes in socioeconomic conditions, it is important to note that these very conditions could be threatened by massive natural disasters or any other similarly disruptive event. Consequently, appropriate disaster preparedness plans need to be in place to address this potential threat.

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Dr. Moreno-Madriñán is an assistant professor in the Department of Environmental Health Sciences within the Fairbanks School of Public Health at Indiana University–Purdue University at Indianapolis. His research focuses on the application of remote sensing technology to public health problems, the environmental determinants of vector-transmitted and neglected diseases, and the relationship between surface water quality and land use.

Dr. Turell recently retired as a principal investigator at the US Army Medical Research Institute for Infectious Diseases, where he had served for more than 30 years. His primary research interest has included field and laboratory studies of factors affecting the ability of mosquitoes to transmit various arboviruses.

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Acknowledgment
We thank Jeffrey Ashby for his assistance.

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To be honest, the aspect of the Spanish American War I did not emphasize enough was how frightened the American high command was of yellow fever and other tropical diseases when they were about to invade Cuba and other tropical Caribbean islands during the "Yellow Fever" season which was May to August. There was a big fight between Nelson Miles and the War Board over when to mount the invasions. The army wanted to delay until well after August. Guess when hurricanes (September) show up in the Caribbean and what terrified the American navy?

I am sure the American navy was none too happy about how things were working out in the Pacific in the middle of Typhoon Alley, either.



You know the months... March to September.

So, it is a no-excuses situation for the Americans when you think about it, because the Americans in the American south were in the disease range for those mosquito borne illnesses. I mean 8,000 died of Yellow Fever at a single pop in New Orleans because some idiot allowed a yellow fever ship to dock at New Orleans in 1853.

I think the Americans were quite right to be terrified in the Caribbean Sea which they knew all too well. I think that being sent to the Philippine Islands, where they had no clue of what to expect (Dengue Fever) might have also have been a problem.

[miletus12]

Diary of Thomas H. Briggs August 27, 1898 (Saturday)

We drill from 6:00 A.M. to 7:00 A.M. every morning and also from 5:00 to 6:00 P.M. We all get up at 4:30 a.m. Breakfast 5:15 A.M. Dinner at 12:00. Supper at 6:00 P.M. Retreat and roll call at 6:30 p.m. We go to bed early and if possible sleep a little in the daytime. The mosquitoes are a great annoyance.

The 1st South Dakota Volunteers are worried about mosquitoes? Art thou kidding?

This is South Dakota...



Did you ever wonder from what source American bullets got their lead? 

==============================================================================

Diary of Lieutenant X (Aime Ernest Motsch) Saturday, August 27, 1898

“United States Supremacy Must Be Absolute”



On August 18, Admiral Dewey, through his aide-de-camp, informed his squadron that as a result of the preliminary talks in Paris, Manila would fall under American jurisdiction until a definite treaty would be signed."bilge rat".



A few days later, on the occasion of the farewell visit of a foreign admiral, Admiral Dewey was heard to say, “I am very pleased to have the Monterey and Monadnoch as reinforcement but I am disturbed by these insurgents who are becoming increasingly demanding.” General Merritt totally agreed with him. Nothing is more cumbersome than trying to dislodge a people from their own land. The law instituted by Judge Lynch is by its very nature the only means of extricating his American compatriots from this complicated situation.

On the 21st of August, Aguinaldo sent President McKinley a telegram requesting the representation of the revolutionary government of the Philippines at the Paris Conference. The request went unanswered. And yet, General Merritt, this “gringo” officer who wielded his authority over Manila with such clumsiness, has been designated to participate in this conference. The absence of a Filipino representative clearly proves that the United States intends to push its objectives to the utmost limits.

The Americans are keeping the Philippine capital under the strictest surveillance and unscrupulously maintain that their duty is to govern the entire archipelago. United States supremacy must be absolute.

1. I see that LT Motsch in his cosmopolitan and liberal attitude has learned the racist term "gringo".
2. I see another term, a nautical term, is necessary... "bilge rat".  Since Motch is not a "spanner wanker" or "greased monkey", he is obviously the sort of rodent who likes to inhabit the 'bilge spaces' of the MNS Bruix. That is; he repeats "scuttlebutt" as it gets down to his level. 

Landlubbers call it watercooler talk. 

3. That would be this expletive deleted.

“I am very pleased to have the Monterey and Monadnoch as reinforcement but I am disturbed by these insurgents who are becoming increasingly demanding.”

Otto yellow-dogged out of there. Apparently: a couple of Amphitrite class monitors were his clues to 23 Skidoo ^1.

^1.  One horse ahead of the posse or get out of Dodge before the vigilance committee tests out whether gravity and a noose can improve your social situation. .

4. Our friend, LT Motsch, may be a bilge rat who had no respect at all for the gringos, and relied far too much on scuttlebutt, but he knew that when the Germans got "the message".

 

It was game over.

Why was Wesley Merritt selected for the Paris Peace Conference?

Wesley Merritt

Posted on June 28, 2016

During the Spanish-American War, U.S. Army major general Wesley Merritt commanded VIII Corps, the expeditionary force sent to the Philippines.


Wesley Merritt
Birth Date: June 16, 1836
Death Date: December 10, 1910
U. S. Army officer.

Wesley Merritt was born in New York City on June 16, 1836. He attended the United States Military Academy, West Point, graduating in the middle of his class in 1860. Following graduation, he served in Utah with the 2nd Dragoons. The American Civil War brought Lieutenant Merritt’s transfer to the East. There he turned out to be a superb cavalry officer. As a captain, he distinguished himself in the Gettysburg Campaign in the Battle of Brandy Station (June 9, 1863), the largest cavalry engagement in the history of North America. Receiving further notice, he was breveted brigadier general of volunteers and commanded the reserve cavalry of the Army of the Potomac.

Assigned temporary command of a division in May 1864, Merritt again fought with distinction in the Battle of Todd’s Tavern on May 7, the largest dismounted cavalry engagement of the war. Following further distinguished service, especially the Battle of Yellow Tavern on May 11, he received permanent command of the 1st Cavalry Division of Sheridan’s Army of the Shenandoah, leading it in a number of important Union victories. During the Appomattox Campaign of April 1865, Merritt commanded the Cavalry Corps as a brevet major general of Volunteers.

Following the Civil War, Merritt remained with the regular army as a lieutenant colonel and commander of the 9th Cavalry Regiment, one of two African American regiments in the army. This began 17 years of service on the frontier and extensive fighting against hostile Native Americans in the West. In 1876, he received promotion to colonel and took command of the 5th Cavalry Regiment, fighting in the Great Sioux War of 1876, the pursuit of the Nez Perce and in the Bannock War (1877-1878), and the Ute War (1879).

(Three of the hardest campaigns in the Native American Wars and one of the roughest outfits in the American army. M.)

In 1882, Merritt became superintendent of West Point, serving in that position until his promotion to brigadier general in 1887. He then assumed command of the Department of the Missouri at Ft. Leavenworth, Kansas. From 1895 to 1897, he commanded the Department of the Missouri, the Department of Dakota, and Department of the East, respectively. In 1893, he wrote a book, The Armies of Today. In the book and in articles, he advocated a large and modern regular U. S. Army. He also supported U. S. imperial expansion.

Nearing retirement age at the beginning of the Spanish- American War, Major General Merritt was the second-ranking officer in the army. On the outbreak of war, he asked for command of VIII Corps. Appointed to that position on May 12, he was informed that the corps would be headed to the Philippines. On May 19, he received his instructions to defeat the Spanish, pacify the islands, and hold them for the United States but not to ally his forces with those of Filipino insurgent leader Emilio Aguinaldo y Famy. Although the instructions left vague the future of the islands, Merritt assumed that they would be annexed by the United States.

Merritt did what he could to organize his corps prior to departure, making it a point to secure suitable tropical uniforms and supplies for the soldiers, which may have reduced deaths from heat-related illness and disease. He sailed for the Philippines in the Newport, departing San Francisco on June 29 and arriving at Manila in late July.

(He actually bollixed the uniforms issue up as we have photographic evidence that some units did not get their "khakis" until December. M.)



10th Pennsylvania at Camp Dewey. 

Styling Aguinaldo a “Chinese half-breed adventurer,” Merritt followed his instructions of operating independently of the insurgent forces, which had surrounded Manila. Rear Admiral George Dewey negotiated with the Spanish commander, General Fermin Jaudenes y Alvarez, agreeing to stage a small symbolic battle on August 13 to satisfy Spanish honor while at the same time excluding the Filipino revolutionaries. The occupation of Manila on August 14 proceeded smoothly, and Merritt’s troops quickly established order in the city. He issued a proclamation promising support and protection to all those cooperating with the U. S. troops.

On August 30, Merritt transferred command of VIII Corps to Major General Elwell S. Otis and departed the islands for Paris to brief the U. S. peace commissioners meeting with their Spanish counterparts in Paris. There, Merritt told the commissioners that it was his opinion that the United States should annex the Philippines and that the majority of Filipinos would welcome American rule.

In December 1898, Merritt assumed command of the Department of the East. He retired from the army in 1900 and died in Natural Bridge, Virginia, on December 10, 1910.

Further Reading Alberts, Don E. Brandy Station to Manila Bay: A Biography of General Wesley Merritt. Austin, TX: Presidial, 1980. Cosmas, Graham A. An Army for Empire: The United States Army in the Spanish-American War. College Station: Texas A&M University Press, 1994. Linn, Brian McAllister. The Philippine War, 1899-1902. Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 2000. Feuer, A. B. America at War: The Philippines, 1898-1913. Westport, CT: Praeger, 2002. Trask, David F. The War with Spain in 1898. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1996.

Three reasons:
a. Dewey was the better local officer in tactical command. (OTC). Merritt, who was far senior in grade, took his orders from Dewey. That went far in ensuring the US success.
b. Merritt was the most successful US army commander during the war. See 1 and the fact that he arrived with US 8th Corps in good order and discipline. He brought horses across the Pacific and landed them at Paranaque near Manila alive! That puts him a full magnitude above his compeers who bungled such a little detail moving a short distance across the Caribbean Sea as to overall administrative competence.
c. Merritt had taken a little time to study Aguinaldo.  
 

Merritt and Aguinaldo

Table of Contents

Julius Caesar Act IV., Sc. 2.

Major-General Wesley Merritt’s account of the operations of the troops under his command in the First Expedition to the Philippines may be found in volume i., part 2, War Department Report for 1898. He left San Francisco accompanied by his staff, June 29, 1898, arrived at Cavite, Manila Bay, July 25th, received the surrender of the city of Manila August 13th, and sailed thence August 30th, in obedience to orders from Washington to proceed without unnecessary delay to Paris, France, for conference with the Peace Commissioners. According to General Merritt’s report, about the time he arrived Aguinaldo had some 12,000 men under arms, with plenty of ammunition, and a number of field-pieces. The late lamented Frank D. Millet has preserved for us, in his Expedition to the some valuable and intimate studies of this army of Filipino besiegers whom our troops found busily at work when they arrived in the Islands:

It was an interesting sight at Camp Dewey to see the insurgents strolling to and from the front. Pretty much all day long they were coming and going, never in military formation, but singly, and in small groups, perfectly clean and tidy in dress, often accompanied by their wives and children, and all chatting as merrily as if they were going off on a pigeon shoot. The men who sold fish and vegetables in camp in the morning would be seen every day or two dressed in holiday garments, with rifle and cartridge boxes, strolling off to take their turn at the Spaniards.

The reader will readily understand that there were many times as many volunteers as guns. Mr. Millet continues:

When they had been at the front twenty-four hours they were relieved and returned home for a rest. They generally passed their rifles and equipments on to another man and thus a limited number of weapons served to arm a great many besiegers. They had no distinctive uniform, the only badge of service being a red and blue cockade with a white triangle bearing the Malay symbol of the sun and three stars, and sometimes a red and blue band pinned diagonally across the lower part of the left sleeve. * * * Many of them * * * had belonged to the native volunteer force. * * * The recruits were soon hammered into shape by the veterans of the rank and file. * * * Their men were perfectly obedient to orders * * * and they made the most devoted soldiers. There was no visible Commissary or Quartermaster’s Departments, but the insurgent force was always supplied with food and ammunition and there was no lack of transportation. The food issued at the front was mostly rice brought up in carromatas to within a few hundred yards of the trenches, when it was cooked by the * * * Each man had a double handful of rice, sometimes enriched by a small proportion of meat and fish, which was served him in a square of plantain leaf. Thus he was unencumbered with a plate or knife or fork and threw away his primitive but excellent dish when he had “licked the platter clean.” It was noticeable that the insurgents carried no water bottles nor haversacks, and no equipments indeed, but cartridge boxes. They did not seem to be worried by thirst like our men.

(Notice the good order and discipline and professional conduct of these national liberation troops? If the politicians had been as of good quality as the NLF (Katipunan soldiers), Merritt would never have pulled off the war comedy Dewey arranged. Also, aside from the Regulars, the American "volunteers" were unlike the Filipinos, not adapted to the local conditions and lacked the common sense to boil their water. M.)  

“Although insignificant in appearance, they are fierce fighters,” wrote General Anderson to the Adjutant-General of the army in (his report).

General Merritt states in his report that Aguinaldo had “proclaimed an independent government, republican in form, with himself as President, and at the time of my arrival in the Islands the entire edifice of executive and legislative departments had been accomplished, at least on (paper.)". Of course at that time we were still officially declining to take Filipino aspirations for independence seriously, and preferred to treat Aguinaldo’s government as purely a matter of stationery. As a matter of fact, an exhaustive examination of the official documents of that period, made with a view of ascertaining just how much of that Aguinaldo government of 1898 was stationery fiction and how much was stable fact, has absolutely surprised one man who was out there from 1899 to 1905 (the writer), and I have no doubt will be interesting, as mere matter of political necrology, to any American who was there “in the days of the empire” as the “ninety-niners” called it.

(It was a functioning bureaucracy. With Aguinaldo's sticky fingers a "thieving bureaucracy", but soldiers were recruited, negotiations laid on, embassies conducted, taxes collected, laws administered, and courts functioned. The only thing lacking was recognition and a united front at the very top. Seldom has a revolution betrayed itself with such complicity with its enemies as this one. And we can blame a lot of Ilustrado treachery for it. Merritt recognized it. M.)

Early in the spring of 1899, Mr. McKinley sent out the Commission of which President Schurman of Cornell University was Chairman, to try to stop the war. They bent themselves to the task in a spirit as kindly as that in which we know Mr. McKinley himself would have acted. They failed because the war was already on and the Filipinos were bent on fighting for independence to the bitter end. But they learned a good deal about the facts of the earlier situation. Speaking of these in their report to the with especial reference to the period beginning with Aguinaldo’s landing at Cavite in May, after describing how the Filipino successes in battle with the Spaniards finally resulted in all of them being driven into Manila, where they remained hemmed in, they say:

While the Spanish troops now remained quietly in Manila, the Filipino forces made themselves masters of the entire island except that (city).

“For three and one half months,” says General Otis in describing the facts of this same situation a year later, “the insurgents on land had kept Manila tightly bottled [meaning while Admiral Dewey had been blockading the place by water] * * * and food supplies were “We had Manila and Cavite. The rest of the island was held not by the Spanish but by the Filipinos,” said General Anderson, in the North American Review for February, 1900. “It is a fact that they were in possession, they had gotten pretty much the whole thing except Manila,” said Admiral Dewey to the Senate Committee in (his testimony).

General Merritt took Manila August 13th, and sailed away for Paris August 31st, and only a week after that General Otis wired Washington (under date of September 7th) from Manila: “Insurgents have captured all Spanish garrisons in island [of Luzon] and control affairs outside of Cavite and this (city).

The recruiting by Aguinaldo of an army of 40,000 men with guns within one hundred days after his little “Return from Elba”—“15,000 fighting men, 11,000 of them armed with guns,” in fifty (days) which number had swelled to nearly 40,000 men with guns in another fifty days (by August no more remarkable than his progress in organizing his government and making its grip on the whole island of Luzon effective in a short space of time.

As all Americans who know the Filipinos know how fond they are of what government offices call “paper work,” and how their can work like bees in drafting documents, it might be easy to ignore Aguinaldo’s various proclamations, already hereinbefore noticed in Chapter II., as representing merely “a government on paper,” were there no other proof. But among the insurgent captured papers we found long afterward, there is a document containing the minutes of a convention of the insurrecto presidentes from all the pueblos of fifteen different provinces, on August 6, 1898, which throws a flood of light on the subject now under (consideration),. This convention was held at Bacoor, then Aguinaldo’s headquarters, a little town on the bay shore between Manila and Cavite. The minutes of the convention recite that its members had been previously chosen as presidentes of their respective pueblos in the manner prescribed by previous decrees issued by Aguinaldo (already noticed), and that thereafter they had taken the oath of office before Aguinaldo as President of the government, etc. They then declare that the Filipino people whom they speak for are “not ambitious for power, nor honors, nor riches, aside from the rational aspirations for a free and independent life,” and “proclaim solemnly, in the face of the whole world, the Independence of the Philippines.” They also re-affirm allegiance to Aguinaldo as President of the government and request him to seek recognition of it at the hands of the Powers, “because,” says the paper, “to no one is it permitted to * * * stifle the legitimate aspirations of a people”—as if Europe cared a rap what we did to them except in the way of regret that it did not have a finger in the pie. However, they were not only apprehensive, on the one hand, lest we might be tempted to take their country away from Spain for ourselves, but also, on the other hand, lest we might in the wind-up decide to leave them to Spain at the end of the war. That this last was not an idle fear is shown by the fact that during the deliberations of the Paris Peace Commission, Judge Gray urged, in behalf of his contention against taking the islands at all, that if Dewey had sunk the Spanish fleet off Cadiz, instead of in Manila Bay, and the Carlists had incidentally helped us about that time, we would have been under no resulting obligation “to stay by them at the conclusion of the (war). When the presidentes in convention assembled as aforesaid got through with their whereases and resolutions they presented them to His Excellency the President of the Republic, Aguinaldo, who then issued a proclamation which recited, among other things: “In these provinces [the fifteen represented in the convention] complete order and perfect tranquillity reign, administered by the authorities according to his previous decrees as Dictator, which decrees have already been placed before the reader. The proclamation claims that the new government has 9,000 prisoners of war and 30,000 combatants. The former claim no one having any acquaintance with those times and conditions will question for a moment. As to the 30,000 combatants, if he had 11,000 men armed with guns on July 9th and 40,000 on August 29th, why not 30,000 on August 6th? Of course, men without guns, bolo men, do not count for much in a serious connection like this now being considered. In November, 1899, at San José, in Nueva Ecija province, I heard General Lawton tell Colonel Jack Hayes to disarm and turn loose 175 bolo men the colonel had just captured and was lining up on the public square as we rode into the town. But we are considering how much of a government the Filipinos had in 1898, because the answer is pertinent to what sort of a government they could run if permitted now or at any time in the future; and, physical force being the ultimate basis of stability in all government, when we come to estimate how much of an army they had when their government was claiming recognition as a legitimate living thing, we must remember that “It was just a question of arming them. They could have had the (whole force armed if they had the means.)

Now the great significant fact about this Bacoor convention of presidentes of August 6th—a week before Manila surrendered to our forces—is that in it more than half the population of the island of Luzon was represented. The total population of the Philippines is about and, of these, one-half, or live on Luzon. The other islands may be said to dangle from Luzon like the tail of a kite. Taking the tables of the American census of the Philippines of 1903 (vol. ii., p. 123), as a basis on which to judge what Aguinaldo’s claims of August 6th amounted to if true, the population of the provinces thus duly incorporated into the new government and in working order on that date, was, in round numbers, about as follows: South of Manila:—Cavite, 135,000; Batangas, 260,000; Laguna, 150,000; Tayabas, 150,000; North of Manila:—Bulacan, 225,000; Pampamga, 225,000; Nueva Ecija, 135,000; Tarlac, 135,000; Pangasinan, 400,000; Union, 140,000; Bataan, 45,000; Zambales, 105,000. This represents a total of more than 2,000,000 of people.

(I will have some bitter things to say about this census when we finally get there. M.) 

But Aguinaldo’s claims of August 6th are not the only evidence as to the political status of the provinces of Luzon in August, 1898. Toward the end of that month, Maj. J. F. Bell, Chief of General Merritt’s Bureau of Military Information, made a report on the situation as it stood August 29th, the report being made after most careful investigation, and intended as a summary of the then situation according to the most reliable information obtainable, in order that General Merritt might know, as far as practicable, what he would be “up against” in the event of trouble with the (Katipunan).

(Major J. F. Bell was not only Merritt's functioning G-2. He was Merritt's chief spymaster. He was the one who ran the contacts within the Katipunan.)
 
This report not only corroborates Aguinaldo’s claims of August 6th, but it also concedes to the Aguinaldo people eight other important provinces—four south of the Pasig River with a total population of about the only four of southern Luzon not included in Aguinaldo’s claim of August 6th, thus conceding him practically all of Luzon south of the Pasig; and it furthermore concedes him four great provinces of northern Luzon with a total population of nearly General Bell states that these last are “still in the possession of the Spanish,” but practically certain to be with the insurgents in the very near future. “Insurgents have been dispatched to attack the Spanish in these provinces,” says the Bell report.

In this same report Major Bell said: “There is not a particle of doubt but what Aguinaldo and his leaders will resist any attempt of any government to reorganize a colonial government When the insurgent government was finally dislodged from its last capital and Aguinaldo became a fugitive hotly pursued by our troops, he started for the mountains of northern Luzon, passing through provinces he had never visited before. The diary of one of his staff officers, Major Villa, in describing a brief stop they made in a town en route (Aringay, in Union province) says: “After the honorable President had urged them [the townspeople] to be patriotic, we continued the They certainly did “continue the march.” The Maccabebe scouts, of which the writer commanded a company at the time, took the town a few hours later, Aguinaldo’s rear-guard retiring after a brief resistance, following which we found, among the dead in the trenches, a major other than Villa. Certainly, to read this little extract from the diary of Aguinaldo’s retreat is to feel the pulse of northern Luzon as to its loyalty to the revolution at that time, and is corroborative of these claims of Aguinaldo made in August, 1898, supplemented, as we have seen them, by General Bell’s appraisal.

As to the political conditions which prevailed in southern Luzon, particularly in the Camarines, in August and the fall of 1898, information derived from one who was there then would seem appropriate here. Major Blanton Winship, Judge Advocate’s Corps, U. S. A., Major Archibald W. Butt, the late lamented military aide to President Taft, and the writer, lived together in Manila, in 1900, at the house of a Spanish physician, a Dr. Lopez, who had been a “prisoner” at Nueva Caceres, a town situated in one of the provinces of southern Luzon (Camarines) in the fall of 1898. Dr. Lopez had a large family. They had also been “prisoners” down there. No evil befell them at the hands of their “captors.” They had the freedom of the town they were in. They had good reason to be pretty well scared as to what the insurgents might do to them. But they were never maltreated. The main impression we got from Dr. Lopez and his family was that the political grip of the Aguinaldo government on southern Luzon was complete during the time they were “prisoners” there. If anybody doubts the absoluteness of the grip of the Revolutionary government on the situation in the provinces which were represented at the Bacoor convention of August 6, 1898, above mentioned, when the Filipino Declaration of Independence was signed and proclaimed, let him ask any American who had a part in putting down the Philippine insurrection what a presidente, an insurrecto presidente, in a Filipino town, was in 1899 and 1900. He was “the whole thing.” Even to-day the presidente of a pueblo is as absolute boss of his town as Charles F. Murphy is of Tammany Hall. And a town or pueblo in the Philippines is more than an area covered by more or less contiguous buildings and grounds. It is more like a township in Massachusetts. So that when you account governmentally for the pueblos of a given province, you account for every square foot of that province and for every man in it. For several years before our war with Spain, nearly every Filipino of any education and spirit in the archipelago belonged to the secret revolutionary society known as the Katipunan. This had its organization in every town when Dewey sank the Spanish fleet and landed Aguinaldo at Cavite. The rest may be imagined.

By September, 1898, Aguinaldo was absolute master of the whole of Luzon. Before the Treaty of Paris was signed (December 10, 1898), in fact while Judge Gray of the Peace Commission was cabling President McKinley that not to leave the government of the Philippines to the people thereof “would be to make a mockery of instructions,” Aguinaldo had become equally absolute master of the situation throughout the rest of the archipelago outside of Manila.

Toward the end of July, 1898, our Manila Consul, Mr. Williams, who was one of our consular triumvirate of would-be Warwicks, or “original Aguinaldo men,” of 1898, used to have nice talks with Aguinaldo about the lion and the lamb lying down together without the lion eating the lamb, and in one instance, at least, he goes so far as to represent Aguinaldo as willing to some such annexation, or some vague scheme of dependence. But whenever we hear from Aguinaldo over his own signature, we hear him saying whatever means in Tagalo “Timeo Danaos et dona ferentes.” For instance, at page 15, of Senate Document he writes Williams, under date of August 1st, with fine courtesy:

I congratulate you with all sincerity on the acuteness and ingenuity which you have displayed in painting in an admirable manner the benefits which, especially for me and my (people) and in general for all my compatriots, would be secured by the union of these islands with the United States of America. Ah! that picture, so happy and so finished * * * This is not saying that I am not of your opinion * * * You say all this and yet more will result from annexing ourselves to your people * * * You are my friend and the friend of the Filipinos and have said it. But why should we say it? Will my people believe it? * * * I have done what they desire, establishing a government * * * not only because it was my duty, but also because had I acted in any other manner they would fail to recognize me as the interpreter of their (will) and would punish me as a traitor, replacing me by another more careful of his own honor and (reputation).

Now that we know what was in the Filipino mind when General Merritt arrived in the Philippines, let us see what was in the American military mind out there at the same time. Says General Merritt: “General Aguinaldo did not visit me on my arrival nor offer his services as a subordinate leader.” We trust the reason of this at once suggests itself from what has preceded, including General Anderson’s dealings with the insurgent chief. The latter wanted some understanding as to what the intentions of our government and what was to be the programme afterward, should he and his countrymen assist in the little fighting that now remained necessary to complete the taking of Manila. Those intentions were precisely what Merritt was determined to conceal. “As my instructions from the President fully contemplated the occupation of the Islands by the American land forces, and stated that ‘the powers of the military occupant are absolute and supreme and immediately operate upon the political condition of the inhabitants,’ I did not consider it wise to hold any direct communication with the insurgent leader until I should be in possession of the city of (Manila).;

On one occasion General Merritt passed through the village of Bacoor where Aguinaldo had his headquarters, but, says in mentioning this, “They never met.” After the taking of the city, General Merritt remembered that with some 13,000 Spanish prisoners to guard, and a city of 300,000 people, all but a sprinkling of whom were in sympathy with the insurgent cause, on his hands, and an army of at least 14,000 insurgents—probably far more than that—clamoring without the gates of that city, and only 10,000 men of his own with whom to handle such a situation, frankness was out of the question, in view of his orders from the (ptrsident). Therefore, on the day after the city surrendered, General Merritt issued a proclamation, verbatim from Mr. McKinley’s instructions such innocuous milk-and-water passages as the one which assured the people that our government “has not come to wage war upon them * * * but to protect them in their homes, in their employments, and in their personal and religious rights; all persons who, by active aid or honest submission, co-operate with the United States * * * will receive the reward of its support and protection.” But he carefully omitted the words quoted above about the powers of the military occupant being absolute and supreme, “lest his [Aguinaldo’s] pretensions,” to use General Merritt’s expression, “should clash with my designs.” “For these reasons,” says General Merritt (p. 40), “the preparations for the attack on the city were * * * conducted without reference to the situation of the insurgent forces.”

Here General Merritt is speaking frankly but not accurately. He means he made his preparations without any more reference to the situation of the insurgent forces than he could help. As a matter of fact, their situation bothered him a good deal. They were in the way. For instance, there was a whole brigade of them at one point between our people and Manila. “This,” says General Merritt (p. 41), “was overcome by instructions to General Greene to arrange if possible with the insurgent brigade commander in his immediate vicinity to move to the right and allow the American forces unobstructed control of the roads in their immediate front. No objection was made,” etc. That reads very well—that about “arrange if possible,” “no objection was made,” etc.—does it not? Nothing there through which “the lustre and the moral strength” of the motives that prompted the Spanish war might be “dimmed by ulterior designs which might tempt is there? It was stated above that General Merritt was speaking frankly in this report. He was. He probably did not know how General Greene carried out the order to “arrange if possible with the insurgent brigadier-commander.” But it so happened that there was a newspaper correspondent along with General Greene who has since told us. This gentleman was Mr. Frank D. Millet, from whom we have already above quoted, the correspondent of the London Times and of Harper’s General Greene had known him years before in the campaigns of the Turco-Russian war. Mr. Millet had been a war correspondent in those campaigns also, and General Greene was there taking observations. So that in the operations against Manila, Mr. Millet, being an old friend of General Greene’s, known to be a handy man to have around in a close place, was acting as a civilian volunteer aide to the Here is Mr. Millet’s account of what happened, taken from his book, The Expedition to the (Philippines):

On the afternoon of the 28th [of July, 1898], General Greene received a verbal message from General Merritt suggesting that he juggle the insurgents out of part of their always on his own responsibility, and without committing in any way the commanding general to any recognition of the native leaders or opening up the prospect of an alliance. This General Greene accomplished very cleverly.

Mr. Millet then goes on to tell how General Greene persuaded one of Aguinaldo’s generals (Noriel) to evacuate certain trenches so he (Greene) could occupy them, “with a condition attached that General Greene must give a written receipt for the entrenchments.” This condition, Mr. Millet says, was imposed by “the astute leader” (Aguinaldo). General Greene’s “cleverness” consisted in purposely failing and omitting to give the receipt, which Mr. Millet says “looked very much like a bargain concluded over a signature, and was a little more formal than General Greene thought advisable.” The key to this sorry business may be found in the first paragraph of General Merritt’s instructions to all his generals at the time:

No rupture with insurgents. This is imperative. Can ask insurgent generals or Aguinaldo for permission to occupy trenches, but if refused not to use aforesaid trenches.

“I am quite unable to explain,” says Mr. Millet (p. 61), “why we did not in the very beginning make them understand that we were masters of the situation, and that they must come strictly under our authority.” The obvious reason was that a war of conquest to subjugate a remote people struggling to be free from the yoke of alien domination was sure to be more or less unpopular with many of the sovereign voters of a republic, and more or less dangerous therefore, like all unpopular wars, to the tenure of office of the party in power. So that in entering upon a war for conquest, a republic must “play politics,” using the military arm of the government for the twofold purpose of crushing opposition and proving that there is none.

(I note, with sarcasm, that sending the equivalent of 10 regiments of US combat troops to take on twice that many Spaniards in a fortified city, is a lot easier if there is a national liberation army bamboozled^2 into doing 90% of the work.  This is what amazes me about Aguinaldo. He KNEW how the Americans handled the Native American nations. He was not ignorant that he dealt with veteran officers of those wars. M.   

^2 Technical term "bamboozled" in advertising and business means "closing the sale" by confusing the customer as to what the terms and conditions of the sale really mean. M.) 

The maxim which makes all fair in war often covers a multitude of sins. But let us turn for a moment from strategy to principle, and see what two other distinguished American war correspondents were thinking and saying about the same time. Writing to Harper’s Weekly from Cavite, under date of July 16th, concerning the work of the Filipinos during the eight weeks before that, Mr. O. K. Davis said: “The insurgents have driven them [the Spaniards] back over twenty miles of country practically impassable for our men. * * * Aguinaldo has saved our troops a lot of desperately hard campaigning * * *. The insurgent works extend clear around Manila, and the Spaniards are completely hemmed in. There is no hope for them but surrender.” Writing to the same paper under date of August 6th, Mr. John F. Bass says: “We forget that they drove the Spaniards from Cavite to their present intrenched position, thus saving us a long-continued fight through the jungle.” This gentleman did not tackle the question of inventing a new definition of liberty consistent with alien domination. He simply says: “Give them their liberty and guarantee it to them.” In the face of such plucky patriotism as he had witnessed, political casuistry about “capacity for self-government” would have hung its head. Yet Mr. Bass was by no means a novice. He had served with the British army in Egypt in 1895, through the Armenian massacres of 1896, and in the Cretan rebellion and Greek War of 1897. His sentiments were simply precisely what those of the average American not under military orders would have been at the time. After the fall of Manila he wrote (August 17th): “I am inclined to think that the insurgents intend to fight us if we stay and Spain if we go.”

There were 8500 American troops in the taking of the city of Manila, on August 13, 1898. The Filipinos were ignored by them, although they afterwards claimed to have helped. As a matter of fact, the Spanish officers in command were very anxious to surrender and get back to Spain. The Filipinos had already made them “long for peace,” to use a famous expression of General J. F. Bell. The garrison only put up a very slight resistance, “to save their face,” as the Chinese say, to save themselves from being court-martialed under some quixotic article of the Spanish army regulations. The assault was begun about 9.30 and early that afternoon the Spanish flag had been lowered from the flag-staff in the main square and the Stars and Stripes run up in its stead, amid the convulsive sobs of dark-eyed señoritas and the muttered curses of melodramatic Spanish cavaliers. Thanks to the Filipinos’ three and one half months’ work, the performance only cost us five men killed out of the 8500. The list of wounded totalled 43. Our antecedent loss in the trenches prior to the day of the assault had been fourteen killed and sixty wounded. So the job was completed, so far as the records show, at a cost of less than a score of American (dead).

As Aguinaldo’s troops surged forward in the wake of the American advance they were stopped by orders from the American commander, and prevented from following the retreating Spaniards into Manila. They were not even allowed what is known to the modern small boy as “a look-in.” They were not permitted to come into the city to see the surrender. President McKinley’s message to Congress of December, 1898, describes “the last scene of the war” as having been “enacted at Manila its starting It says: “On August 13th, after a brief assault upon the works by the land forces, in which the squadron assisted, the capital surrendered unconditionally.” In this connection, by way of explaining Aguinaldo’s treatment at the hands of our generals from the beginning, the message says, “Divided victory was not permissible.” “It was fitting that whatever was to be done * * * should be accomplished by the strong arm of the United States alone.” But what takes much of the virtue out of the “strong arm” proposition is that Generals Merritt and Anderson were carrying out President McKinley’s orders all the time they were juggling Aguinaldo out of his positions before Manila, and giving him evasive answers, until the city could be taken by the said “strong arm” For, as the message puts it, in speaking of the taking of the city, “By this the conquest of the Philippine Islands * * * was formally sealed.”

When General Merritt left Manila on August 30th, he proceeded to Paris to appear before the Peace Commission there. His views doubtless had great weight with them on the momentous questions they had to decide. But his views were wholly erroneous, and that they were so is not surprising. As above stated, he did not even meet Aguinaldo, purposely holding himself aloof from him and his leaders. He never did know how deeply they were incensed at being shut out of Manila when the city surrendered. In his report prepared aboard the steamship en route for Paris, he says: “Doubtless much dissatisfaction is felt by the rank and file of the insurgents, but * * * I am of the opinion that the leaders will be able to prevent serious disturbances,” etc. (p. 40). If General Merritt had caught the temper of the trenches he would have known better, but he saw nothing of the fighting prior to the final scene, nor did he take the field in person on the day of the combined assault on the city, August 13th, and therefore missed the supreme opportunity to understand how the Filipinos felt. Says General Anderson in his report:

I understood from the general commanding that he would be personally present on the day of battle. * * * On the morning of the 13th, General Babcock came to my headquarters and informed me that the major-general commanding would remain on a despatch (boat).^3 

^3 The USS Petrel was not exactly a dispatch boat or aviso. It was what we would call today a 'heavy torpedo boat destroyer' in terms of 1898. 

Indeed, so reduced was Manila, by reason of the long siege conducted by the insurgents, that the assault of August 13th, not only was, but was expected to be, little more than a sham battle. Says Lieutenant-Colonel Pope, chief quartermaster, “On the evening of August 12th an order was sent me to report with two battalions of the Second Oregon Volunteers, under Colonel Summers the next day on the Kwong Hoi to the commanding general on the as an escort on his entrance into Manila. At the hour named, I reported As soon as Spanish “honor” was satisfied, up went the white flag and General Merritt was duly escorted ashore and into the city, where he received the surrender of the Spanish general.

In the Civil War, General Merritt had received six successive promotions for gallantry, at Gettysburg, Yellow Tavern, Five Forks, etc., and had been with Sheridan at Winchester. So the way he “commanded” the assault on Manila is proof only of the obligations we then owed the Filipinos. They had left very little to be done.

In his account of General Merritt’s original personal disembarkation at Cavite, Mr. Frank Millet acquaints his readers with a Philippine custom we afterwards grew quite familiar with and found quite useful, of keeping your shoes dry in landing from a rowboat on a beach by riding astride the shoulders of some husky native boatman. The boatmen make it a point of special pride not to let their passengers get their feet wet. Mr. Millet tells us that a general in uniform looks neither dignified nor picturesque under such circumstances, and that therefore he will not elaborate on the picture, but that it is suggestive “more of the hilarious than of the heroic.” Presumably when General Merritt went ashore on August 13th, from the despatch boat from which he had been watching the assault on Manila, to receive the surrender of the Spanish general, he followed the same custom of the country he had used on the occasion of his original disembarkation. So that in the taking of Manila, we were probably literally, as well as ethically, like General Mahone of Virginia as he is pictured in a familiar post-bellum negro story, according to which the general met a negro on a steep part of the road to heaven, told him that St. Peter would only admit mounted parties, mounted the negro with the latter’s consent, rode on his back the rest of the toilsome journey to the heavenly gate, dismounted, knocked, and was cordially welcomed by the saint at the sacred portal thus: “Why how d’ ye do, General Mahone; jess tie yoh hoss and come in.”

(Contrast this with how Douglas MacArthur came ashore. M.)



(MacAthur knew the value of propaganda. Feet wet was a "sign of reverse respect" for the Filipino people. Note that "bamboozle" was learned from his papa, Arthur MacArthur? M.)

1 S. D. 1900, p. 13.
² p. 40.
³ Report First Philippine vol. i., p. 172.
⁴ War Dept. 1899, vol. i., pt. 4. Otis report, p. 13.
⁵ S. D. 1902, p. 2941.
⁶ Correspondence Relating to the War with vol. ii., p. 788.
⁷ May 19th–July 9th; see General Anderson’s report to the Adjutant-General of the army of July 9, 1898, S. D. p. 6.
⁸ See Major J. F. Bell’s report to Merritt of August 29, 1898, S. D. p. 379.
⁹ Clerks.
¹⁰ See S. D. pp. 101–2.
¹¹ Senate Document 56th Cong., 2d Sess., 1901, p. 34.
¹² S. D. p. 99.
¹³ Admiral Dewey to Senate Committee, 1902, S. D. 1902, p. 2940.
¹⁴ 7,635,426. See Philippine Census of vol. ii., p. 15.

(If we are to believe USG estimates of Filipino civilian deaths which occurred during General Otis', the war criminal's "rifle hunts", anywhere from 4,000 to 20,000 Filipinos died as a consequence of his Luzon Pacification. I tend to accept Filipino accounts of 1 in 3 Filipino male citizens of military age died on Luzon which their scholarship suggests were murdered in this campaign. That puts the deaths at closer to 200,000 on Luzon alone. Elsewhere it could have been far worse. The records are "sketchy".   
¹⁵ 3,798,507. See Philippine Census of vol. ii., p. 125.
¹⁶ See Senate Document 1898, p. 379.
¹⁷Albay, Camarines Norte, Camarines Sur, and Sorsogon.
¹⁸ Ilocos Norte, Ilocos Sur, Isabela, Cagayan.
¹⁹ S. D. p. 380.
²⁰ Diary of Major Simeon Villa, p. 1898, Senate Document pt. 3, 56th Congress, 1st Session, 1902.
²¹ See Merritt’s Report for 1898, War Dept. 1898, vol. i., pt. 2, p. 40.
²² Expedition to the Philippines p. 61.
²³ “With 10,000 men, we would have had to guard 13,300 Spanish prisoners, and to fight 14,000 Filipinos,” says General Anderson, North American Review for February, 1900.
²⁴ Senate Document p. 86.
²⁵ Mr. McKinley’s instructions to the Peace Commissioners, Senate Document 56th Cong., 2d Sess., 1901, p. 6. (Grab what you can. M.)
²⁶ See General Greene’s Report, W. D. 1898, vol. i., pt. 2, p. 72, where Mr. Millet’s conduct in the assault on the city receives special mention.
²⁷ War Dept. 1898, vol. i., pt. 2, p. 73.
²⁸ See War Dept. 1898, vol. i., pt. 2, p. 58.
²⁹ Congressional Record December 5, 1898, p. 5.
³⁰ War Dept. 1898, vol. i., pt. 2, p. 57.
³¹ vol. i., pt. 4, p. 190.

A "view" that could be accurate of General Merritt.  

===================================================================================

Diary of John Henry Asendorf Saturday, August 27th, 1898

The weather is pretty. We had a nice shower during the night which settled the dust nicely. This being my birthday I had an invitation from my German friend to supper with him which I indeed enjoyed. He also gave me one box of his best cigars. We also had three splendid meals at our quarters and hope that it will continue. [Ray] Rush, [Jacob] Landis, [Charles] Herrington, [Robert] Fox, [Frank] Brain, [John] Baird and [Frank] Christopher are on the sick list.

More malaria, not all Americans are anti-German in 1898 and the kitchen seems to be functioning. 

[miletus12]

Diary of Thomas H. Briggs August 28, 1898 (Sunday)

Church services were held by the Chaplain in the afternoon. I took a walk around the town and went out to see the fort that was blown up. Two large guns were deadly disfigured. We then picked up a few sea shells on our way back.

Malate?

Those look like old 8 inch bore howitzers.



Diary of John Henry Asendorf Sunday, August 28th, 1898

This has been a beautiful day. All the boys attended service at the Opera House and some went to the Catholic services. Today we has no drill but dress parade. [Robert] Fox, [Frank] Hustead, [John] Baird, [Frank] Christopher, [Frank] Sullivan, [Charles] Lewis, [Fred] Jennewine and [Charles] Burke are on the sick list.

This is garrison duty. 

===========================================================================

Diary of Thomas H. Briggs August 29, 1898 (Monday)

We drilled as usual. It is very hot weather at present.

Idle soldiers = future trouble. 

The 1st South Dakota is idle.

Diary of John Henry Asendorf Monday, August 29th, 1898

It has been raining all evening there fore no drill in the afternoon. We signed the payroll. The old native lady opened up a book account and the boys promise to pay her [on] pay day. [Robert] Fox, [Frank] Hustead, [Frank] Christopher, [Frank] Sullivan, [Charles] Lewis, [Fred] Jennewine, [Charles] Burke and Charles Collins are on the sick list.

The old native lady opened up a bank account? For whom? What bank? It seems to me that what happened here, is that the company paymaster had the troopers sign the roster for pay in arrears, and that an enterprising Filipina opened a lending service to the American soldiers to loan them drinking money until payday. If I read that aright, then this same Filipina runs a bar and additional services that you would expect from a SUTLER.

The big three: gambling, drinking and "horizontal recreation".   

Did not take long, did it?  

[miletus12]

Diary of Lieutenant X (Aime Ernest Motsch) Tuesday, August 30, 1898

The Germans Again

The Americans are relieved by the departure of both the German and the French admirals. For the past three months, the Germans appeared to be searching clumsily for a pretext to interfere between Spain and the United States, but merely succeeded in provoking overt hostilities between the sailors of the Union and the Germans.

In discussions, the Americans freely demonstrate their disgust and anger. Admiral Dewey himself, unequivocally praising the neutral position of French ships present in Manila, stated: “This is so unlike the Germans. Believe me, I was obliged to ask Admiral von Diederichs if he had any intention to go to war! His movements in the bay were disturbing me.” Meanwhile, the English are bragging about their prediction of the inevitable breakup in relations between the Germans and the Americans. Captain Chichester of the Immortality is very popular with the American fleet, and he is considered to be Admiral Dewey’s confidant. The French may have expressed neutrality and the Germans may have been hostile, but the English certainly took sides. One feels that they are prepared to defend the Americans morally in all circumstances. What ingratitude towards Spain! And one might even add, what a lack of tact. During the Spanish rule, they were the most sought after, the most influential, and the richest commercial leaders of Manila. It will not be long before they realize what they shall have lost by aligning themselves with the United States government in Manila.

What a mix of insight and naivete from our French torpedo officer this diary entry is.

1. LT Motsch is correct that the thing that most concerned Commodore Dewey, was his own exposed position. Look at what he had to neutralize.

a.

German Naval Photograph Album – East Asia Squadron in China circa 1900 ... Those troublemakers have been present since 10 May 1898.

b..


This "personage was as eel slippery as any veteran of Spanish military politics.

Here is a sample of this guy at work.

Basilio Agustin Y Dávila, Governor General Of The Philippines

TRANSLATION OF A PROCLAMATION BY THE GOVERNOR GENERAL OF THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS.

(Published by the Manila daily papers, April 23,1898.)

SPANIARDS:

Between Spain and the United States of North America hostilities have broken out.

The moment has arrived to prove to the world that we possess the spirit to conquer those who, pretending to be loyal friends, take advantage of our misfortune and abuse our hospitality, using means which civilized nations count unworthy and disreputable.

The North American people, constituted of all the social excresences, have exhausted our patience and provoked war with their perfidious machinations, with their acts of treachery, and with their outrages against the laws of nations and international treaties.

The struggle will be short and decisive. The God of victories will give us one as complete as the righteousness and justice of our cause demands. Spain, which counts upon the sympathies of all the nations, will emerge triumphant from this new test, humiliating and blasting the adventurers from those States that, without cohesion and without a history, offer to humanity only infamous traditions and the spectacle of a Congress in which appear united insolence and defamation, cowardice and cynicism.

A squadron manned by foreigners1 possessing neither instruction nor discipline, is preparing to come to this archipelago with the ruffianly intention of robbing us of all that means life, honor and liberty. Pretending to be inspired by a courage of which they are incapable, the North American seamen undertake as an enterprise capable of realization the substitution of Protestantism for the Catholic religion you profess, to treat you as tribes refractory to civilization, to take possession of your riches as if they were unacquainted with the rights of property, and to kidnap those persons whom they consider useful to man their ships or to be exploited in agricultural or industrial labor.

Vain designs: Ridiculous boastings:

Your indomitable bravery will suffice to frustrate the attempt to carry them into realization. You will not consent that they shall profane the faith that you profess, that impious footsteps shall defile the temple of the true God, nor that unbelief shall destroy the holy images which you adore. The aggressors shall not profane the tombs of your fathers, they shall not gratify their lustful passions at the cost of your wives’ and daughters’ honor, nor appropriate the property which your industry has accumulated to assure your livelihood. No, they shall not perpetrate any of these crimes inspired by their wickedness and covetousness, because your valor and patriotism will suffice to punish and abase the people that, claiming to be civilized and cultivated, have exterminated the natives of North America instead of bringing to them the life of civilization and progress.

Philippinos, prepare for the struggle, and, united under the glorious flag of Spain, which is ever covered with laurels, let us fight with conviction that victory will crown our efforts, and to the summons of our enemies let us oppose with the decision of the Christian and the patriot the cry of “Viva Espana.”

Manila, April 23, 1898. Your General

Basilio Augustin Y Davila.2

(Printed on board U.S.Flagship Olympia, Cavite, May 7, 1898.)

Source Note: Contemporary Translation, DNA, AFNRC, M625, roll 363.

Footnote 1: According to historian Frederick Harrod, most United States Navy captains tended to enlist qualified seaman from large coastal ports regardless of their nationality. As a result, a noticeable portion of all crews on United States naval ships were of foreign birth. However, this did not mean that these sailors were not, or did not eventually become, American citizens. Frederick Harrod, Manning the New Navy: The Development of a Modern Naval Enlisted Force, 1899-1940 (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1978), 13, 16.

Footnote 2: A copy of this proclamation was delivered by the United States Consul at Manila, Oscar F. Williams, and read aloud to the crew of the Olympia after it departed Mirs Bay on 28 April 1898. Ronald Spector, Admiral of the New Empire, 56.

===============================================================================================

Just how would one go about best to unite those "mongrel crews" on those American warships to a common vengeful purpose? It is a marvel that Admiral Montojo did not pull out his C-96 and empty it into the belly of the careless cowardly two-timing traitorous lazy sell-out of an idiot who issued that proclamation.


The careless cowardly two-timing traitorous lazy sell-out of an idiot who issued that proclamation (^^^)

c. 

As an American, I have mixed viewpoints about Emilio Aguinaldo.  Those who sold his organizational genius and political chicanery short wound up dead.

In the end, Dewey played all of these people off against each other and emerged triumphant. It was a remarkable piece of villainy he did. He even used the British against themselves.
 
2. Motsch, the Frenchman, did not understand at all what happened; he just saw bits and pieces. He does comment about the Manila pier-side bar brawls the 10th Pennsylvania broke up between American and German sailors.  Apparently: Otto could not maintain fleet discipline amongst his ships' crews.

3. The British made the same mistake with the Japanese.  

=======================================================================

How is the 5th US Cavalry doing?
 
Journal of E. Huntington Blatchford Manila, Philippine Islands, August 30, 1898

I must tell you where I am writing this from and what my occupation is at present. Last Friday, as I was working in the kitchen in our quarters over at Cavite, I received a written order to proceed to Manila as soon as possible, reporting upon arrival to Brigadier-General Hughes, at Headquarters, Eighth Army Corps. I found General Hughes who asked me if I wanted to be detailed as his messenger. I asked him his candid advice on the comparative advantages of going to headquarters or of sticking by my troop. He answered that he should not have asked me unless he thought I would be doing the best thing. I then spoke of the chance of my seeing active service with my troop; to which he replied that he would know of any movement before it was executed and could have me back in the troop on two hours’ notice. I told him that I should be very glad to come.

Blatchford is now a messenger runner for this "gentleman". We will meet Robert Patterson Hughes again when he puts out a fire. 



That is Manila in February 1899, the Tondo District. Who set it on fire is still disputed. Depends on whether you think General Otis is a war criminal or not?  Or who his co-conspirator was?

Diary of John Henry Asendorf Tuesday, August 30th, 1898

This is a lovely day and not too warm. We are doing guard duty at the prison. Nineteen of the political prisoners are relieved, much to their joy. But, this is only the beginning of that kind of work. [Frank] Hustead, [Frank] Christopher, [Frank] Sullivan, [Charles] Lewis, [Fred] Jennewine, Charles Collins, Max Hannan and [Gilbert] Cuite are on the sick list.

I wonder how many of those "political prisoners" were American agents. Also: how many of the other prisoners were left over from the fleet brawls of the last month? The 10th Pennsylvania are still on provost.

Diary of James J. Loughrey August 30, 1898

We were called out at 10.10 p.m. after Insurgents attacked a flourmill. We returned to quarters about 11 p.m. when “M” Company was despatched to the seat of trouble.

What did the 1st California expect would happen after they stole the flour mill? The Filipinos were trying to get it back from the thieves who took it.  

 

[miletus12]

Diary of Lieutenant X (Aime Ernest Motsch) Wednesday, August 31, 1898

Truth Above All

General Merritt is leaving to attend the Paris Congress primarily to demand the annexation of the Philippines to the United States. His is the privilege of being the sole representative of 10 million Filipinos whom he considers as his conquest, in a commission which will decide the fate of these people.

About three weeks ago in Cavite, there was a poster addressed to the Filipinos and signed by General Merritt: “The American people have not come here to make war but have come as champions and liberators of a people oppressed by the bad government of Spain.” General Merritt, like many Americans, is unpolished and self-centered, and makes no effort to be pleasant. He has a massive head, a double chin, a heavy moustache over thick fleshy lips, and is broad and ugly like a bulldog.



(He does not look like a double chinned bulldog to me. M.)

I have been observing these Filipinos for almost a year. Once again they find themselves being oppressed, a state from which they thought they had been freed. In the autumn of 1897, after a dramatic show of force, but without much illusion, they signed a meaningless treaty with the Spaniards with the objective of regaining their forces for the next rebellion. One year later, in 1898, they had not conquered the Spaniards but rather found themselves once again beneath the yoke, except that this time their chains were riveted by the Americans.

(I have repeatedly warned that as an American I have an ambiguous view of Emilio Aguinaldo and understand why my countrymen ancestors treated him the way they did.^1 M.) ^1 

The Great Republic, as Aguinaldo called it, promised them their liberty by spring of that year and used this pretext to crush Spain. If by the month of September 1898 the Philippines would no longer be Spanish, undoubtedly the United States owes this to the Filipinos who assisted them in the bombardment and siege of the city.

The Mighty Republic now considers the country American since it is no longer Spanish. The English would say: A colony which belongs to no one is ours. But for the Americans: We can claim a colony even if it belongs to someone else. In a manner of speaking, the Americans are already the successors of Spain. They have started making their peace with the established powers, with the Church, the religious orders, and the English traders. In the name of the mighty dollar, they are massacring the native population as did the Spaniards in the name of the Church.

The Tagals are banned from Manila, now considered conquered territory. The Philippine Republic, and the freedom of the Filipinos lasted only long enough to give the Americans time to substitute their tyranny for that of Spain. If the Tagals really deserve freedom –a freedom which the Americans, six months earlier, dared to guarantee– all they have to resort to is a mass uprising.

The Americans, desirous of becoming masters of the Philippines, are beginning to behave as the Spaniards did. They, too, are convinced that there is barely any difference between these savages and monkeys. At Easter, they were indignant some dared treat the Filipino people as a free nation. By the feast of the Assumption, those very Americans denied the allegations they had made at Easter. And on both occasions, the civilized world stood back to witness the emergence of another power in the Philippines.

[diary ends here]

From the citation...

^1 10 Reasons Many Filipinos Do Not Like Emilio Aguinaldo

Submitted by admin on Tue, 08/06/2013 - 05:11

10 Reasons Many Filipinos Do Not Like Emilio Aguinaldo

Emilio Aguinaldo became the first president of the Philippines at age 28. He is the face of 5 peso coin and, well, a general who fought for the Philippine independence way back Spanish and American eras. He was born on March 22, 1869 and died on February 6, 1964 at the age of 94. Having long life, he is the only president who had outlived the most number of successors.

But are you seriously sure that you know everything about this guy? Maybe you have heard some people calling this hero not so good names. The following are 10 reasons Emilio Aguinaldo is not that well loved.

1. He is a traitor. While in Katipunan, he was the parasite that slowly ate the integrity of the organization by making few treachery attempts: ranging from declaring his own government inside Katipunan itself to not aiding Bonifacio’s half in the battle. (wikipedia.org)

Refer these to your siblings/children/younger friends:

2. He killed Andres Bonifacio. You know, Andres? – Rizal’s rival for the title of Philippine National Hero, leader of Katipunan and the main reason for start of the Philippine Revolution. Well, your dear general ordered his death. (‘Philippines, A Unique Nation’ by Sonia M. Zaide)

3. He is an embodiment of discrimination. The fact that Daniel discriminated Bonifacio while Aguinaldo was there doing nothing, well that’s corruption and discrimination. And yeah, Aguinaldo is Tirona’s leader. (‘History of Filipino People In English’ by Teodoro Andal Agoncillo)

4. He’s the reason why Katipunan was broken in half. He’s the reason why the Magdalo and Magdiwang were born. These two run under the banner “Katipunan” but no, they are two separate groups. (‘Kasaysayan: The Story of the Filipino People’ by Milagros Guerrero)

5. He might be the root for the political war in the Philippines. Despite being his leader, he “outmaneuvered” Andres to effectively overthrow him and become the leader of both of Katipunan factions, and therefore the whole Katipunan. (‘History of Filipino People In English’ by Teodoro Andal Agoncillo)

6. He sold the Philippines to the Spanish for $800,000. He agreed for a self-exile to Hong Kong and for the dissolving of his government to Fernando Primo de Rivera in the famous Pact of Biak-na-Bato. This is in exchange for an insanely huge $800,000 bribe. (‘Philippines, A Unique Nation’ by Sonia M. Zaide)

7. He led the Americans to colonize the Philippines. His return to Philippines through Admiral Dewey’s help gave the Spanish reasons to sell the Philippines to the Americans. This gave the Americans a foothold and leverage to start the flames of their colonization. (‘The Story of the Philippines’ by Murat Halstead)

8. He incited the conflict between the Philippines and America. His ruling by decree grew out the conflict with the Americans in military situation. (wikipedia.org)

9. He put lives of four (4) innocent men in danger. Without the Americans’ knowledge, he smuggled four innocent foreign reporters to investigate the murder by Pvt. Greyson and therefore officially putting them in the middle of American-Filipino conflict. (wikipedia.org)

10. He surrendered the Philippines to the Japanese. He cooperated with the Japanese by making speeches in favor of the Japanese. In one speech, he asked General Douglas MacArthur to surrender to the Japanese. (‘Cousins of Color’ by William Schroder)

Despite all of these snake-attitudes that Aguinaldo has staged, let’s not forget that he’s still one of the brave generals in the history of the Philippines; he even made the Spanish generals shake on their knees at one time. But we cannot take out the fact that the political cold war happening in the present time was first showcased by our dear general. Therefore, yeah, he’s done a lot of great things for the Philippines but still, he is, for me, a snake and a coward.

DISCLAIMER: The opinions expressed in this article exclusively belong to the contributor. Since the copyright of the contributions belongs to the authors, OurHappySchool.com is not liable to any infraction that the contribution/s may commit.

Paulo Dignos, the contributor, was a student of Rizal Technological University – Laboratory High School. He joined a debate team when he was in first year. Though not an official member, he contributed to the official paper of the Laboratory High School. He became a constant officer in Computer Homeroom. He also became a one-time officer in the Computer Student Council on fourth year, where he proposed computer-gaming competition, programming competition and computer miscellaneous software competitions. All of which were not implemented despite the support of an advising faculty, due to lack of support from the higher positioned officers. He also entered a computer software competition in Laboratory High School where he finished 1st place. He enrolled in the same school as a Bachelor of Science in Information and Communications Technology student. He joined the extemporaneous speech competition last 2012 and finished at 2nd place behind a College of Education student. However, these “accomplishments” aren’t really that great. His debate team fell at semi-finals, his contribution to the paper was only a single entry and the computer student council position wasn’t that high. He is currently a 4th year student in RTU. (E-mail: [e-mail])

Question for Discussion:

Do you think Emilio Aguinaldo deserves to be called a national hero? If yes, then justify the answer in terms of Marcos. Marcos, like Aguinaldo, also did a lot of helpful things in Philippines despite all of the long-term effects of his wrong-doings.

I kind of think it makes a case from a Filipino perspective. Motsch did not know these things. Generals Anderson and Otis did.  

Diary of John Henry Asendorf Wednesday, August 31st, 1898

The weather is pretty all day but we have heavy showers in the evening. We are still doing the same guard duty. We have fresh meat, biscuits and some nice mutton today and the Captain bought us some tea for a change and some extra sugar. We receive mail but our newspapers are from four to six weeks old. [Frank] Hustead, [Frank] Christopher, [Charles] Lewis, [Fred] Jennewine, [Charles] Burke, [Charles] Collins, Max Hannan, [Gilbert] Cuite and Walter E. Collins are on the sick list. Fred Jennewine is sent to the hospital with a bad leg.

Still on provost. 



Based on the type seen, (Manila zoo) this kind of sheep looks to have come from Europe, not Asia Minor. 

Definitely not 



Diary of James J. Loughrey August 31, 1898

We were mustered and inspected at 8 am.

The 1st California has done something wrong, and somebody is taking a look at it.

It was that flour mill.

[miletus12]

Diary of John Henry Asendorf Thursday, September 1st, 1898

This is another pretty day. We hear all kinds of rumors [through the] grape vine about us going home and about our coming pay day in a few days. We are doing our regular routine of duty and also have an inspection of arms, blankets and canteens. [Frank] Hustead, [Frank] Christopher, [Charles] Lewis, [Charles] Burke, Hannan and [Homer] Daugherty are on the Sick List.

Once a month... or as often as needed for accountability.

Accounting for government furnished property By Col. James KennedyJanuary 13, 2014

Government furnished property (GFP) is arguably the most misunderstood supply and accountability function within the Army. This is not just a logistics issue but also an Army issue that must be understood by all leaders and branches.

There are two types of government property: GFP and contractor acquired property (CAP). Department of Defense (DOD) Instruction 5000.64, Accountability and Management of DOD Equipment and Other Accountable Property, defines GFP as "any property in the possession of, or directly acquired by, the Government and subsequently furnished to the contractor (to include sub-contractors and alternate locations) for performance of a contract."

GFP includes spares and property for repair, maintenance, overhaul, or modification furnished to an Army contractor to provide specified or functional services and support to accomplish the tasks and responsibilities outlined by a negotiated statement of work or performance work statement.

CAP is defined as "any property acquired, fabricated, or otherwise provided by the contractor for performing a contract, and to which the Government has title. CAP that is subsequently delivered and accepted by the Government for use on the same or another contract is considered GFP." GFP can be either military standard equipment, commonly called "green equipment," or nonstandard equipment, commonly termed "white equipment."

GFP is an umbrella term that contains two categories: government furnished equipment (GFE) and government furnished materiel (GFM). GFE includes items that do not lose their identity, such as generators and trucks. GFM includes items that lose their identity such as parts, construction materials when consumed through use, and other low-dollar items that may not qualify for property accounting purposes but retain some limited residual identity characteristics that require control when issued to a user.

GFP ACCOUNTABILITY

In support of auditability requirements in the National Defense Authorization Act of 2010, the Office of the Under Secretary of Defense (Comptroller) Financial Improvement and Audit Readiness Guidelines direct the Army to ensure it has all government property, to include GFP, accountable within an accountable property system of record (APSR) no later than the end of fiscal year (FY) 2017. Additionally, in 2011, the DOD noted GFP accountability as a material weakness in its annual statement of assurance report to Congress.

Establishing accountability in government property records is essential for several reasons. First, we are entrusted to properly account for and control government property, regardless of who has physical control. Second, as a contract ends, military standard GFP items may be needed to fill unit shortages.

Following this mandate presents the Army with a challenge. The Department of the Army (DA) G-4 estimates that approximately 31,300 open contracts contain GFP. Within the Item Unique Identification (IUID) Registry, which tracks items worth more than $5,000, contractors have entered approximately 167,000 items with a total value of about $8 billion.

Unfortunately, the reliability of GFP in the IUID registry is not known. In Property Book Unit Supply-Enhanced (PBUSE) and the Defense Property Accountability System (DPAS), the Army has accountability of about 39,000 items of GFP with a total value of approximately $950 million.

In Afghanistan, U.S. Army Central (ARCENT) and the Army Materiel Command (AMC) are tracking 156 contracts with approximately 356,000 items valued at $938 million. ARCENT and AMC determined that the Army will retain roughly 14,000 items (5 percent of the total used in Operation Enduring Freedom) valued at $47 million, with the remainder being disposed of in Afghanistan through transfer to Afghanistan's government or Defense Logistics Agency Disposition Services.

These numbers provide some scale of the GFP accountability issue, yet they do not show the complete picture. We cannot determine the full scope of the problem; we only know it is bigger than our documented information implies.

GFP ACCOUNTABILITY FAILURES

Since 2008, numerous audits and investigations have mentioned failures in properly accounting for and overseeing GFP. There are many reasons for the present accountability situation.

The 2007 rewrite of Federal Acquisition Regulation (FAR) Part 45, Government Property, changed how we do business. Before the rewrite, the contractor was responsible for maintaining the fiduciary records of all government property. Since 2007, the responsibility of maintaining these records has fallen on the government. The contractor is now only responsible for stewardship of the government property, including maintaining serviceability and records documentation.

Before 2001, GFP was issued primarily to contractors supporting depots or program management offices, so the Army did not focus on this subject. Although Army policies and procedures to properly account for military equipment in units were in place, GFP was not treated as Army property and no specific GFP doctrine or policy was published.

So, leaders and supply personnel took incorrect actions that they believed were proper. Often GFP was laterally transferred to contractors, dropped off the unit property books, and removed from government accountability. As a result of these conditions and the exponential growth of GFP in Iraq and Afghanistan, the Army now lacks accountability in an APSR for most GFP.

A great deal of GFP is in Afghanistan, but the problem also exists in the institutional Army, where contractors perform maintenance, execute large construction projects, manage dining facilities and ammunition production plants, and perform many other vital service support functions.

MANAGEMENT RESPONSIBILITY

The management of GFP involves a change in how we think about this property once it is provided to the contractor. GFP accountability and management is quite different from what military leaders and property managers were taught about accountability of unit equipment.

Leaders must understand that the contract establishes accountability with the contractor and defines the movement, inventory, reporting, and maintenance of the equipment while in the possession of the contractor. Contractors are not normally responsible for following Army regulations. They are governed by the FAR and Defense Federal Acquisition Regulation Supplement (DFARS) requirements that are incorporated in the contracts.

Even though contractors are not required to follow the inventory and reporting requirements set forth in Army regulation, they are not free from maintaining accountability of the equipment. Steven Tkac, Acting Deputy Director of Acquisition Resources and Analysis for Property and Equipment Policy, stated, "The bottom line is that regardless of asset classification, the government is responsible for knowing what property belongs to them, who has it, and where it is, even if it's in the possession of a contractor."

GFP management is executed through the contracting office property management section, which is made up of series 1103 (industrial property management specialist) DA civilians. These personnel are responsible for providing property accountability oversight of the contractor. They periodically perform property management systems analysis (PMSA) to ensure the contractor is maintaining property records, conducting inventories, and adhering to the contract requirements regarding acquisition, maintenance, and accountability of GFP according to contract requirements.

Property management personnel typically conduct statistical sampling inventories to identify contractor accuracy or compliance. The PMSA is similar to the Army command supply discipline program. Some larger contracts, such as the Logistics Civil Augmentation Program, may be delegated by the contracting officer to the Defense Contract Management Agency for oversight and execution of the PMSA.

CHANGING GFP PROCEDURES

The Army is taking necessary steps to get the process moving in the right direction. The DA G-4 has taken the lead to synchronize and integrate the GFP effort with stakeholders. PBUSE was updated to include all of the required data fields and contract information from DOD Instruction 5000.64. Most organizations and units will use PBUSE while depots and program managers will use DPAS.

In May 2013, the DA G-4 added GFP supply policy into Army Regulation (AR) 735-5, Property Accountability Policies. The Army will focus on bringing GFE back to Army records in FY 2014 and FY 2015. As requiring activities are bringing the GFE to record, processes will be developed in FY 2014 to gain accountability of GFM in FY 2015 and FY 2016.

Finally, AMC will develop a materiel system that will collect and match data from the contracting database, IUID registry, Wide Area Work Flow receipts by contractors, DPAS, and PBUSE to ensure we are accurately capturing and reconciling GFP across all systems and thus achieving enterprise asset visibility.

The Army will focus on GFE for the next two years using a two-pronged method. The Office of the Deputy Assistant Secretary of the Army (Procurement), through its Heads of Contracting Activities and with the help of requiring activities, is identifying all contracts that have GFE and ensuring all contracts contain required FAR and DFARS GFP clauses and accurate GFP listings.

As GFP lists are identified, the requiring activity (the organization that required the contract and paid for the service) will identify a property book officer who will catalog all equipment and add the equipment under a unit identification code for each contract. These procedures are outlined in AR 735-5.

In July 2013, a DA G-4 GFP "Tiger Team" workgroup consisting of sustainment, materiel, contracting, and policy subject matter experts identified 25 initial doctrine, organization, training, materiel, leadership and education, personnel, and facilities gaps to resolve. Some of the more critical ones are:

• Updating property accountability policies.

• Developing techniques and procedures for GFP accountability.

• Training leaders and supply personnel.

• Resourcing additional civilian property administrators (1103 series) to fill the positions that are currently 39-percent filled.

• Improving government oversight of property management actions.

• Including AMC in the GFP disposal process.

• Adding GFP to the Army command supply discipline program.

• Addressing GFP accountability in Global Combat Support System-Army.

• Addressing readiness reporting for GFP in maintenance policy.

Although the task of bringing all this property to record in PBUSE or DPAS seems to be straight forward, there are two choke points: first, cataloging hundreds of thousands of nonstandard line item numbers and management control numbers from the Army Enterprise Systems Integration Program and, second, the resources it takes to enter equipment into the APSR. It is critical that the property book officers put only accurate data in the APSR.

The most significant challenge in improving accountability is the need for a strategic communications plan to inform leaders and supply personnel of the requirements, procedures, and reasons that GFP accountability is critical for Army fiduciary responsibility and readiness. Next, using a legacy system, PBUSE, with little funds for improvements as the Army transitions to Global Combat Support System-Army, will also be challenging. Another challenge is that historical documentation is not available for current GFP in most cases.

Despite the challenges, if the Army can keep to its milestones and implement the changes, it should be able to obtain enterprise visibility of GFP by the second quarter of FY 2015 while continuing to bring equipment to record.

The Army has three years to "police the GFP battlefield" from over a decade of neglect to meet the FY 2017 deadline. Numerous agencies are involved, and dedicated people want to solve the problem. With the right leadership, emphasis, tracking, and resources, the Army will conquer this mountain of equipment and paperwork and obtain enterprise visibility, accountability, and auditability of GFP.

This endeavor will make the Army a better steward of taxpayer dollars and improve its fiduciary responsibility and readiness. We must ensure better use of resources so that we do not have to readdress this problem in the future.

For more information on GFP, visit the DOD GFP website at www.acq.osd.mil/pepolicy/accountability/accountability_GFP.html or the DA G43 Contingency Operations Division website at g357.army.pentagon.mil/OD/LOC/G43/Contingencyoperation/default.aspx.

__________________________________________________________________________________________________

Col. James Kennedy is the chief of the Contingency Operations Division at the Headquarters, Department of the Army, G-4. He is responsible for plans, policy, priorities, and programs for Army pre-positioned equipment and operational contract support, and he leads G-4 efforts for government furnished property. He holds master's degrees in both logistics management and military history and is working on a master's degree in education.

__________________________________________________________________________________________________

This article was published in the January-February 2014 issue of Army Sustainment magazine.

This is why when the 1st California stole the flour mill, it became a big deal. There are "rules" for acquired property. It must be purchased; even if the transfer of title of ownership is not worth the John Hancock of the officer who signs the promissory chit for payment of acquisition, use or payment for its accidental destruction..

As for the unit inspection for tables of organization and equipment, that grew out of Native American Wars experience when the American army discovered that renegades, Sutlers and soldiers were selling the native Americans of the First Nations: whiskey, rifles and government ammunition.

Did you think the Russians were the only ones with this problem of that type corruption within their army?

In the American Civil War, it was a famous and little disguised secret that Union traitors were trading gunpowder and rifles for cotton with the slavocrats. General Ulysses Grant got into hot water when he tried to crack down on this type of trade within his department.

General Grant and the Jews

The Civil War hero expelled Jews from three states until Lincoln made him rescind the order.

BY MICHAEL FELDBERG

n 1862, in the heat of the Civil War, General Ulysses S. Grant initiated the most blatant official episode of anti-Semitism in 19th-century American history. In December of that year, Grant issued his infamous General Order No. 11, which expelled all Jews from Kentucky, Tennessee, and Mississippi.

The immediate cause of the expulsion was the raging black market in Southern cotton. Although enemies in war, the North and South remained dependent on each other economically. Northern textile mills needed Southern cotton. The Union Army itself used Southern cotton in its tents and uniforms. Although the Union military command preferred an outright ban on trade, President Lincoln decided to allow limited trade in Southern cotton.

To control that trade, Lincoln insisted the Treasury Department and the Army license it. As commander of the Department of the Tennessee, Grant was charged with issuing trade licenses in his area. As cotton prices soared in the North, unlicensed traders bribed Union officers to allow them to buy Southern cotton without a permit. As one exasperated correspondent told the Secretary of War, “Every colonel, captain or quartermaster is in a secret partnership with some operator in cotton; every soldier dreams of adding a bale of cotton to his monthly pay.”

In the fall of 1862, Grant was pressured by his superiors to capture heavily defended Vicksburg, which would allow the Union to control the entire Mississippi River and cut the Confederacy in half. Grant resented having to divert his personal attention from capturing Vicksburg to controlling the cotton trade–and especially the corruption it was causing. Merchants seeking trade permits besieged his headquarters.

When Grant’s own father appeared one day seeking trade licenses for a group of Cincinnati merchants, some of whom were Jews, Grant’s frustration boiled over.

The Jewish Connection

A handful of the corrupt traders were Jews, although the great majority was not. In the emotional climate of the war zone, ancient prejudices flourished. The terms “Jew,” “profiteer” “speculator,” and “trader” were employed interchangeably. Union commanding General Henry W. Halleck linked “traitors and Jew peddlers.” Grant shared Halleck’s mentality, describing “the Israelites” as “an intolerable nuisance.”

In November 1862, convinced that the black market in cotton was organized “mostly by Jews and other unprincipled traders,” Grant ordered that “no Jews are to be permitted to travel on the railroad southward [into the Department] from any point,” nor were they to be granted trade licenses. When illegal trading continued, on December 17th Grant issued Order No. 11: “The Jews, as a class violating every regulation of trade established by the Treasury Department… are hereby expelled from [Kentucky, Tennessee, and Mississippi] within 24 hours.”

Subordinates enforced the order at once in the area surrounding Grant’s headquarters in Holly Springs, Mississippi. Some Jewish traders had to trudge 40 miles on foot to evacuate the area. In Paducah, Kentucky, military officials gave the town’s 30 Jewish families–all long-term residents, none of them speculators, and at least two of them Union Army veterans–24 hours to leave.

Fighting the Order

A group of Paducah’s Jewish merchants led by Cesar Kaskel dispatched an indignant telegram to President Lincoln condemning Grant’s order as an “enormous outrage on all laws and humanity… the grossest violation of the Constitution and our rights as good citizens under it.” Jewish leaders organized protest rallies in St. Louis, Louisville, and Cincinnati, and telegrams reached the White House from the Jewish communities of Chicago, New York, and Philadelphia.

Cesar Kaskel arrived in Washington on January 3, 1863. Two days earlier, the Emancipation Proclamation had gone into effect. Kaskel conferred with influential Jewish Republican Adolphus Solomons and then went with Cincinnati Congressman John A. Gurley directly to the White House. Lincoln received them promptly, studied Kaskel’s copies of General Order No. 11 and the specific order expelling Kaskel from Paducah, and commanded Halleck to order Grant to revoke General Order No. 11. Grant complied three days later.

On January 6th, a delegation led by Rabbi Isaac M. Wise of Cincinnati called on Lincoln to express its gratitude that Grant’s order had been rescinded. Lincoln received the delegation cordially, expressed surprise that Grant had issued such a command, and stated his conviction that “to condemn a class is, to say the least, to wrong the good with the bad.” He drew no distinction between Jew and Gentile, the president said, and would allow no American to be wronged because of his religious affiliation.

After the war, Grant transcended his anti-Semitic reputation. He explained his actions by saying that he had signed the order, which had been prepared by a subordinate, without reading it. Grant carried the Jewish vote in the Presidential election of 1868 and named several Jews to high office. However, General Order No. 11 remains a blight on the military career of the general who saved the Union.

Reprinted with permission of the American Jewish Historical Society from “Chapters in American History.

The private sees the colonel trading with the enemy, then he is going to think it is okay for him to make a little whiskey money by "accidentally" losing his Krag.



Those are "civilizers" or officially US government issue Springfield Rifles, Model 1892 to 1900 Type Krag Jorgensen in caliber .30/40 Winchester.

The three best rifles on the planet in 1898, are the M95 Mannlicher, the Spanish 1893 Mauser and that hunk of iron in THAT order.

"Rifle Hunts" were invented in the Native American Wars by the American army, after a little incident called "Custer's Last Stand".

Posted in STORIES
EYEWITNESS: CUSTER’S LAST STAND
By AMY CHAN12/11/2019

On June 25, 1876, one of the Indians facing Custer and his 7th Cavalry was 34-year-old Northern Cheyenne Two Moon. A minor chief of the tribe’s Kit Fox Society, he had been a warrior from the age of 13 and had briefly served as a government scout. After rushing to face the threat from Major Marcus A. Reno’s detachment to the south, Two Moon turned north to fight off Custer’s units. Some 22 years after the Battle of the Little Bighorn, Two Moon told his story of the fight to short-story writer and novelist Hamlin Garland. The following edited excerpt of his account comes from Garland’s report of that interview as it was published in the September 1898 issue of McClure’s Magazine. While some of Two Moon’s numbers are probably exaggerated, his tale does give a feeling for the chaos of the event.

I went to water my horses at a creek, and washed them off with cool water, then took a swim myself. I came back to the camp afoot. When I got near my lodge, I looked…towards Sitting Bull’s camp. I saw a great dust rising. It looked like a whirlwind. Soon Sioux horseman came rushing into camp shouting “Soldier come! Plenty white soldiers.”

Outside, far up the valley, I heard a battle cry, “Hay-ay, Hayay!” I heard shooting, too, this way [clapping his hands very fast]. I couldn’t see any Indians. Everybody was getting horses and saddles. After I had caught my horse, a Sioux warrior came again and said, “Many soldiers are coming.”

I rode swiftly toward Sitting Bull’s camp. There I saw the white soldiers fighting in a line [Reno’s men]. Indians covered the flat. They began to drive the soldiers all mixed up—Sioux, then soldiers, then more Sioux, and all shooting. The air was full of smoke and dust. I saw the soldiers fall back and drop into the river-bed like buffalo fleeing. They had no time to look for a crossing. The Sioux chased them up the hill, where they met more soldiers in wagons. And then messengers came saying more soldiers were going to kill the women, and the Sioux turned back. Chief Gall was there fighting. Crazy Horse also.

I then rode toward my camp, and stopped squaws from carrying off lodges. While I was sitting on my horse I saw flags come up over the hill to the east like that [he raised his finger-tips]. Then the soldiers rose all at once, all on horses, like this [he put his fingers behind each other to indicate that Custer appeared marching in columns of fours]. They formed into three branches [squadrons] with a little ways between. Then a bugle sounded, and they all got off horses, and some soldiers led the horses back over the hill.

Then the Sioux rode up the ridge on all sides, riding very fast. The Cheyenne went up the left way. Then the shooting was quick, quick. Pop—pop—pop very fast. Some of the soldiers were down on their knees, some standing. Officers all in front. The smoke was like a great cloud, and everywhere the Sioux went the dust rose like smoke. We circled all round them— swirling like water round a stone. We shoot, we ride fast, we shoot again. Soldiers drop, and horses fall on them. Soldiers in line drop, but one man rides up and down the line—all the time shouting. He rode a sorrel horse with white face and white forelegs. I don’t know who he was. He was a brave man.

Indians keep swirling round and round, and the soldiers killed only a few. Many soldiers fell. At last all horses killed but five. Once in a while some man would break out and run toward the river, but he would fall. At last about a hundred men and five horsemen stood on the hill all bunched together. All along the bugler kept blowing his commands. He was very brave too. Then a chief was killed. I hear it was Long Hair [Custer], I don’t know; and then five horsemen and the bunch of men, may be so forty, started toward the river. The man on the sorrel horse led them, shouting all the time. He wore buckskin shirt, and had long black hair and mustache. He fought hard with a big knife. His men were all covered with white dust. I couldn’t tell whether they were officers or not. One man all alone ran far down toward the river, then round up over the hill. I thought he was going to escape, but a Sioux fired and hit him in the head. He was the last man. He wore braid on his arms [Sergeant James Butler?].

All the soldiers were now killed, and the bodies were stripped. After that no one could tell which were officers. The bodies were left where they fell. We had no dance that night. We were sorrowful.

Next day four Sioux Chiefs and two Cheyenne and I, Two Moon, went upon the battlefield to count the dead. One man carried a little bundle of sticks. When we came to dead men, we took a little stick and gave it to another man, so we counted the dead. There were 388. There were thirty-nine Sioux and seven Cheyennes killed, and about a hundred wounded.

Some white soldiers were cut with knives, to make sure they were dead; and the war women had mangled some. Most of them were left just where they fell. We came to a man with a big mustache; he lay down the hill towards the river. The Indians did not take his buckskin shirt. The Sioux said, “That is a big chief. That is Long Hair.” I don’t know. I had never seen him. The man on the white-faced horse was the bravest man.

Originally published in the June 2006 issue of American History. 

What is not clear...



Those are US government issue Model 1873 and 1886 Springfield Trapdoor single-shot rifles. Their firing rate is about 8-10 aimed shots a minute. Basic issue ammunition is 50-60 cartridges a trooper. Most of the American infantry carried this same rifle in 1898, and that means if you see the 10th Pennsylvania, 1st South Dakota or 1st California, these were their usual long-arms issued to them at this time.

Now go back to 1876... and Colonel Custer. What were the Lakota and Cheyene armed with?



Seven shot repeater. Winchester Model 1873 in 45/40. Aimed rate of fire from a Cheyenne warrior who knew what he was doing from a horse was 30 shots a minute. Those old American western movies that are broadcast worldwide, have Native Americans riding in circles around the soldiers or colonizers who form a circle defense. Seems stupid? The soldiers and "pioneers" use revolvers and repeaters to plink men off horses like ducks in an arcade?

That is not real history.



A Colt Model 1873 single action revolver in 45/40 (Same as the repeater, above notice?) has an effective range of 30 meters. That is it.



Remington shotgun circa 1875.

A shotgun, which is the long-arm most common with a "settler" has a similar effective range.

The repeater lever action arms were effective to about 100 meters. Users had to get in close, what Americans of a later era called "belt buckle close", because the trapdoors were effective as aimed fire weapons to about 200 meters. But...



You put 1500 hundred human beings within 10 acres of ground shooting at each other as fast as they can (~square about 630 meters long on a side) with weapons that use black gunpowder and generate this kind of haze that just hangs like a puff cloud around each motionless shooter afoot and or trails behind the moving horsemen like funnel smoke puffs from a steam locomotive? Get the idea? One side is shooting through a fog, the other side is not. One side is shooting twice as fast as the other side and one side is a moving target while the other side stands still.

You get Custer's Last Stand, or Fetterman's Massacre or about a dozen other military disasters which the American army likes to forget.

The American army is not stupid. (Usually.) They analyze mistakes and look for solutions. After a couple of these massacres, they decided to tighten up on trade with the Native Americans. They went after Indian agents, renegades, Sutlers and also instituted an inspection and accountability regimen inside the American army that went down to the private soldier to make sure that everything he was issued was on hand and that the Native Americans were not riding his US Army issued horse, on his US Army issued saddle, and carrying his US Army issued revolver to shoot at US soldiers.

Witness our Sioux warrior above? He had a US Army horse, saddle and revolver. His Winchester he got from a renegade for some Black Hills gold. So much for the myth about "sacred burial grounds" by the way. The Lakota wanted to keep the Black Hills because they figured the gold therein was Theirs. They were right, but I despise lies when the truth is better to explain why the Native Americans involved in the lie wanted the "colonizers" to stay away from their gold mines. Gold for guns is a closer and clearer truth. 

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Anyhow... cutting off the unregulated arms smuggling with the Native Americans, did nothing about all those Winchester rifles already in Native American hands. This is where the rifle hunts come in. The American army started to census Native Americans, map their migrations and track the nomadic Native American tribes. When the ARMY figured out the human migration and settlement patterns they would mount "special operations" based on this "intelligence" (Note my sarcasm? M.) or what we would call "contraband checks" to see if a temporary settlement (wikiap-mispronounced "wickyup") wherein a tribe or band would pause and make camp to rest, gather game, conduct trade, and otherwise socialize and celebrate, contained prohibited items like whiskey, and rifles. The troopers would raid the settlement to "hunt for rifles" and the other "contraband". In the process there was usually a disagreement about this search and the wikiap would be burned, its inhabitants shot, or taken prisoner and the "contraband" confiscated as prizes of war. The Native American prisoners would be marched off on foot (The US Army stole the horses, as "incidental contraband". A mounted Native American Cheyenne Dog Soldier was incredibly dangerous as a weapon system. M.) to a government issued and approved settlement; where the Native American would be properly taught protestant Christianity, agriculture, and be doled out blankets and beef and grain according to a rations system by an "Indian agent". The "Indian agent" was a private contractor, under Bureau of Indian Affairs or US Army licensed supervision. 

He was a USG contract employee who ran a concentration camp. I cannot put it any plainer how awful this situation was. 

If this sounds eerily familiar to my Filipino readers from their own history, I apologize for this American history lesson. It is where and how and why the American army learned to become war criminals. It does not justify what General Otis did. It explains why he did it.

There were 7.65 million Filipinos scattered over 1,800 islands in 1898. There were 3.7 million of them on Luzon. As a base population factor that meant about 600,000 of the human males were on Luzon of what the US Army considered "military age". The Americans had recovered about 7,000 Mausers. These were arguably superior to the Trapdoors which armed 2/3 of 8th US Corps. The Rolling Block Remington was also arguably superior to the Trapdoor Springfield. That rifle was ubiquitous, made in the hundreds of thousands and was the virtual de facto infantry longarm of most of the Spanish speaking nations and territories on the planet. The Americans had no idea how many of these rifles were out loose among the Filipinos.

Now what has this got to do with this down time between 8th Corps and the Katipunan army outside Manila?

The US War Department has cranked up production of the Krag to 11. It will have 200,000 of them by December 1898. But it takes TWO MONTHS to ship the 8,000 rifles 8th Corps needs to replace its obsolete Trapdoor weapons. And of course, there is not enough 8th Corps to go around. More infantry will be needed to be shipped out with those rifles as the general knowledge of what McKinley intends becomes common among the Filipino people.

A simple inspection has enormous implications... does it not?