lordroel
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Post by lordroel on Feb 8, 2018 4:41:49 GMT
The Shah will depart but what will follow won't be as it went in the history books. Well if it went as what was written in the history books, i doubt we would see you create a alternate universe around it. |
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johansen
Leading Seaman
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Post by johansen on Feb 8, 2018 8:22:06 GMT
Good to see this. Glad to bee here. Contact me if you want any input on Norwegian issues. All the best James
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James G
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Post by James G on Feb 8, 2018 12:27:21 GMT
Good to see this. Glad to bee here. Contact me if you want any input on Norwegian issues. All the best James Thank you. As you know from the previous story, when the time comes Norway is of importance! |
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lordroel
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Post by lordroel on Feb 8, 2018 16:02:05 GMT
Good to see this. Glad to bee here. Contact me if you want any input on Norwegian issues. All the best James Thank you. As you know from the previous story, when the time comes Norway is of importance! I can think that it will not be only Norway as the only Scandinavian country that gets involved. |
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James G
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Post by James G on Feb 8, 2018 19:32:14 GMT
Thank you. As you know from the previous story, when the time comes Norway is of importance! I can think that it will not be only Norway as the only Scandinavian country that gets involved. Slowly but surely, others will. |
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James G
Squadron vice admiral
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Post by James G on Feb 8, 2018 19:32:40 GMT
(5)
November 1978:
A Persian Trotsky. That was the official KGB view of Khomeini following the reports which came from their intelligence activities within his immediate circle. A panel of experts had then brought those reports together and other information to come to the conclusion which KGB Chairman Chebrikov presented to the Politburo in Moscow. This man, the elderly politicians were told, was not just a threat to the rule of The Shah. He was a threat to other regimes in further Middle Eastern nations. He was a threat to the Americans with their position in the region. Above all of that, he was a threat to the Soviet Union too. His public statements on Iran were one thing; what was more important were his long-term goals. He was a fanatic, a man rooted in his religion that was fundamentally opposed to anything but his interpretation of what his God wanted for his fellow Muslims. Those people Khomeini wanted to act on the behalf of – professing his goal wasn’t power for himself; as if that was the case, really? – were spread all over the world including those in Moscow-aligned Afghanistan which neighboured the Iran from where he was exiled yet also those of the faithful in the parts of the Soviet Union where religion had never been fully stamped out. Once the presentation was finished, the Politburo considered their options. Ignore him? Have the Iraqis keep him in Najaf and unable to leave? Work to discredit him? Meet his challenge head-on? Or… get rid of him? These options were discussed. Andropov pushed for one of those options with the support of Chebrikov but the others weren’t so sure. There was thinking on this matter to be done and consideration having to be taking for the unwanted effects that might cause. How to solve a problem like Khomeini, if he truly was such a problem, would take some time to work out.
Down in Iran, whose borders with the Soviet Union were long and of great significance for the Soviets, the violence continued unabated. Student opposition groups fought with the authorities and the army after arming themselves. They ran riot (literally) inside Tehran, joined by mobs of teenage boys infused with religious zeal but also caught up in events, and attacked symbols of the hated ‘West’. Among those were the embassies of Britain and the United States: the former being burnt down and the latter being lucky not to suffer the same fate. Large parts of the Iranian capital were left on fire. This caused The Shah to fire his prime minister and appoint a military government. It was a step meant to project strength. The military lacked the authority to act though. In Tehran, they hadn’t responded to the rioters following those standing orders to not do so because the country was under martial law in name yet not in reality. That obeying of orders there had come when the army were under extreme duress when being attacked with petrol bombs and gun-shots. Elsewhere in the country, protests in support of the continuing strikes and the calls for the return of Khomeini weren’t matched by official armed interference either.
The Shah spoke to his people. He told them he would lead the revolution, not oppose it. He was also ordering arrests of those who were corrupt and once more made his promises of equality to all Iranians as part of his process of engaging with the opposition to him rather than fighting them. To Iranians, he looked weak, powerless and clutching at straws to save himself. To outsiders, it seemed like he was delusional and had finally lost control. Khomeini – who The Shah had promised last month could return from exile – instructed all Iranians to overthrow their ruler instead, sending the message through intermediaries while also trying to figure out a way out of the prison which Saddam was trying to make Iraq for him.
Unable to have direct dealings with Khomeini, who there was great distrust for yet also a secret yearning to have influence like his, the secular opposition which had formed into the National Front approached Shariatmadari. That religious leader had no interest in uniting with the political figures who were already disillusioned with The Shah and had turned that into a realisation that he had no interest in the future for Iran which they saw. Sanjabi at the head of the National Front had contacts made with the non-extremist student groups, including those promoting women’s rights too, and also reached out to the Tudeh. He was looking for an understanding, not an alliance. There were those Iranian communists thought of as moderates. Maybe they could all work together? There were fundamental disagreements in some areas yet agreement in others. Everyone wanted the same thing: The Shah to step aside from his leadership role. Should that happen, the thinking was that order could return to the country and that would rob Khomeini of his interest and his ability to keep stirring up trouble. This goal was something seen as possible… if only Khomeini was out of the picture. The KGB’s contacts within the Tudeh passed that thinking of those who wanted to be their allies and give them an opening onwards to Moscow.
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lordroel
Administrator
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Post by lordroel on Feb 8, 2018 19:52:18 GMT
(5)November 1978: A Persian Trotsky. That was the official KGB view of Khomeini following the reports which came from their intelligence activities within his immediate circle. A panel of experts had then brought those reports together and other information to come to the conclusion which KGB Chairman Chebrikov presented to the Politburo in Moscow. This man, the elderly politicians were told, was not just a threat to the rule of The Shah. He was a threat to other regimes in further Middle Eastern nations. He was a threat to the Americans with their position in the region. Above all of that, he was a threat to the Soviet Union too. His public statements on Iran were one thing; what was more important were his long-term goals. He was a fanatic, a man rooted in his religion that was fundamentally opposed to anything but his interpretation of what his God wanted for his fellow Muslims. Those people Khomeini wanted to act on the behalf of – professing his goal wasn’t power for himself; as if that was the case, really? – were spread all over the world including those in Moscow-aligned Afghanistan which neighboured the Iran from where he was exiled yet also those of the faithful in the parts of the Soviet Union where religion had never been fully stamped out. Once the presentation was finished, the Politburo considered their options. Ignore him? Have the Iraqis keep him in Najaf and unable to leave? Work to discredit him? Meet his challenge head-on? Or… get rid of him? These options were discussed. Andropov pushed for one of those options with the support of Chebrikov but the others weren’t so sure. There was thinking on this matter to be done and consideration having to be taking for the unwanted effects that might cause. How to solve a problem like Khomeini, if he truly was such a problem, would take some time to work out. Down in Iran, whose borders with the Soviet Union were long and of great significance for the Soviets, the violence continued unabated. Student opposition groups fought with the authorities and the army after arming themselves. They ran riot (literally) inside Tehran, joined by mobs of teenage boys infused with religious zeal but also caught up in events, and attacked symbols of the hated ‘West’. Among those were the embassies of Britain and the United States: the former being burnt down and the latter being lucky not to suffer the same fate. Large parts of the Iranian capital were left on fire. This caused The Shah to fire his prime minister and appoint a military government. It was a step meant to project strength. The military lacked the authority to act though. In Tehran, they hadn’t responded to the rioters following those standing orders to not do so because the country was under martial law in name yet not in reality. That obeying of orders there had come when the army were under extreme duress when being attacked with petrol bombs and gun-shots. Elsewhere in the country, protests in support of the continuing strikes and the calls for the return of Khomeini weren’t matched by official armed interference either. The Shah spoke to his people. He told them he would lead the revolution, not oppose it. He was also ordering arrests of those who were corrupt and once more made his promises of equality to all Iranians as part of his process of engaging with the opposition to him rather than fighting them. To Iranians, he looked weak, powerless and clutching at straws to save himself. To outsiders, it seemed like he was delusional and had finally lost control. Khomeini – who The Shah had promised last month could return from exile – instructed all Iranians to overthrow their ruler instead, sending the message through intermediaries while also trying to figure out a way out of the prison which Saddam was trying to make Iraq for him. Unable to have direct dealings with Khomeini, who there was great distrust for yet also a secret yearning to have influence like his, the secular opposition which had formed into the National Front approached Shariatmadari. That religious leader had no interest in uniting with the political figures who were already disillusioned with The Shah and had turned that into a realisation that he had no interest in the future for Iran which they saw. Sanjabi at the head of the National Front had contacts made with the non-extremist student groups, including those promoting women’s rights too, and also reached out to the Tudeh. He was looking for an understanding, not an alliance. There were those Iranian communists thought of as moderates. Maybe they could all work together? There were fundamental disagreements in some areas yet agreement in others. Everyone wanted the same thing: The Shah to step aside from his leadership role. Should that happen, the thinking was that order could return to the country and that would rob Khomeini of his interest and his ability to keep stirring up trouble. This goal was something seen as possible… if only Khomeini was out of the picture. The KGB’s contacts within the Tudeh passed that thinking of those who wanted to be their allies and give them an opening onwards to Moscow. One person live is going to end and the revolution in Iran looks more and more a civil war. |
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James G
Squadron vice admiral
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Post by James G on Feb 8, 2018 20:36:06 GMT
One person live is going to end and the revolution in Iran looks more and more a civil war. A nasty civil war too, one with foreign interference from the north. |
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lordroel
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Post by lordroel on Feb 8, 2018 20:40:47 GMT
One person live is going to end and the revolution in Iran looks more and more a civil war. A nasty civil war too, one with foreign interference from the north. And i can imagine also from a different place, no way they allow the Soviets to get their boots into Iran without themselves having boots there. |
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James G
Squadron vice admiral
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Post by James G on Feb 8, 2018 22:53:33 GMT
I was going to say no, but that is something to think about. Because it makes sort of sense. How I work that idea in, if I use it, which I probably will now, will be something challenging for the story overall.
Thank you for the idea!
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lordroel
Administrator
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Post by lordroel on Feb 9, 2018 9:16:51 GMT
I was going to say no, but that is something to think about. Because it makes sort of sense. How I work that idea in, if I use it, which I probably will now, will be something challenging for the story overall. Thank you for the idea! I also wonder if Iraq will get involved in this mess at some time. |
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Post by redrobin65 on Feb 9, 2018 10:30:55 GMT
I'm delighted to see this here, James!
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James G
Squadron vice admiral
Posts: 7,608
Likes: 8,833
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Post by James G on Feb 9, 2018 14:17:29 GMT
I was going to say no, but that is something to think about. Because it makes sort of sense. How I work that idea in, if I use it, which I probably will now, will be something challenging for the story overall. Thank you for the idea! I also wonder if Iraq will get involved in this mess at some time. Ah, let's not forget about Saddam. His early involvement in the mess I am creating will be important. |
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James G
Squadron vice admiral
Posts: 7,608
Likes: 8,833
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Post by James G on Feb 9, 2018 14:18:23 GMT
I'm delighted to see this here, James! Thank you. As you know, I write every day. Pop in whenever you can. |
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lordroel
Administrator
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Post by lordroel on Feb 9, 2018 14:31:10 GMT
I also wonder if Iraq will get involved in this mess at some time. Ah, let's not forget about Saddam. His early involvement in the mess I am creating will be important. This is going to be a mess. |
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