What if Hindenburg and Ludendorff insisted on unrestricted U-Boat warfare in order to accept overall
Jul 2, 2024 18:55:54 GMT
stevep likes this
Post by raharris1973 on Jul 2, 2024 18:55:54 GMT
What if Hindy and Ludy insisted and blackmailed the German Kaiser and Chancellor into accepting on unrestricted U-Boat warfare in order for them to accept overall German high command in August 1916?
With the German government firing Falkenhayn, and the OberOst commanders so popular and widely considered Germany’s only hope, could they not extort from the Kaiser and Chancellor approval of unrestricted submarine warfare policy without delay as both declared policy and tactical ROE?
Like in the German OTL decision of Jan 9, 1917, the ATL German decision of August 29, 1916, is motivated by senior leaders’ distaste of half-measures, a desire to free U-Boats to inflict maximum damage on the British, an estimate this can happen before the Americans can do anything effective in response. The public declaration that submarine warfare will be unrestricted is a feature, not a bug, because even though it is more diplomatically provocative and obnoxious, the intended effect of the announcement is to intimidate and deter neutral shippers, American, but especially Dutch and Scandinavian shippers, from getting underway with cargo for British ports.
Anticipating complications with the United States, and wanting to keep the USA occupied, the German Foreign Minister, at this time Gottlieb Von Jagow rather than Arthur Zimmerman, sends a telegram on September 6th, 1916, directing his Ambassador to Mexico to propose a German-Mexican alliance and promising to restore Arizona, New Mexico, and Texas to Mexico. This telegram gets intercepted and decoded by Britain’s Room 40, and its contents revealed to the Americans.
The new German unrestricted submarine warfare policy is put into official effect, and publicly announced to neutral governments, including the government of the United States, on September 12th, 1916.
This policy is the classic “October Surprise” for America’s 1916 election, highly inconvenient for Woodrow Wilson’s “He kept us out war” messaging theme, because Wilson can now stick with that, and ignore Germany’s provocations on the high seas and its repudiation of past pledges to Wilson, and what will become weekly sinkings of American ships, or he can respond by breaking relations, arming merchant ships, or the ultimate sanction, declaring war, all sacrificing, to one degree or another, his war-avoidance achievement.
His opponents can point to Wilson policy failure leading America to this situation. But, they can also appear to be “ambulance-chasing” in bad taste in a national emergency, during which Wilson may benefit from a rally around the flag effect in public opinion.
Meanwhile, when the ‘Jagow Telegram’ contents are disclosed in Mexico, the US is closer to the middle of its Pancho Villa expedition rather than its end, so there might be subtle differences in how the Mexicans receive or evaluate it. At a minimum, even if the US were to declare war on Germany over the combination of the unrestricted submarine warfare and the Jagow Telegram in October 1916 or November 1916, extraction of the Army and National Guard from Mexico may take a little longer at this time than it did in the February 1917 timeframe in OTL.
So what happens from here. How does the Wilson Administration respond from September 13, 1916 onward, to the German USW announcement? Ignore it? Break relations? Arm merchant ships? Call on Congress over the next seven or eight weeks, or a shorter period of time, to declare war? How does the US react to the additional news, days later, of the Jagow Telegram, and the German proposal of alliance with Mexico, and further scheming to incite Japan against the USA and Entente?
Zimmerman’s stupidity in admitting to the veracity of his eponymous telegram is often noted as an odd blunder. But based on my looking over Jagow’s Wikipedia description, I think it’s quite plausible, even probable, Jagow would have admitted authorship under similar questioning. Zimmerman was carrying out the policy Jagow started. As tone-deaf as Zimmerman’s admission was, he was probably trying to keep alive the prospect embodied in the note of the potential alliance as a contingent, hypothetical deterrent (when in fact Americans did not see it that way, but was a bold, secret plot, instead). Jagow easily could have done the same.
Who would win the 1916 election?
What would happen for the rest of World War One?
With the German government firing Falkenhayn, and the OberOst commanders so popular and widely considered Germany’s only hope, could they not extort from the Kaiser and Chancellor approval of unrestricted submarine warfare policy without delay as both declared policy and tactical ROE?
Like in the German OTL decision of Jan 9, 1917, the ATL German decision of August 29, 1916, is motivated by senior leaders’ distaste of half-measures, a desire to free U-Boats to inflict maximum damage on the British, an estimate this can happen before the Americans can do anything effective in response. The public declaration that submarine warfare will be unrestricted is a feature, not a bug, because even though it is more diplomatically provocative and obnoxious, the intended effect of the announcement is to intimidate and deter neutral shippers, American, but especially Dutch and Scandinavian shippers, from getting underway with cargo for British ports.
Anticipating complications with the United States, and wanting to keep the USA occupied, the German Foreign Minister, at this time Gottlieb Von Jagow rather than Arthur Zimmerman, sends a telegram on September 6th, 1916, directing his Ambassador to Mexico to propose a German-Mexican alliance and promising to restore Arizona, New Mexico, and Texas to Mexico. This telegram gets intercepted and decoded by Britain’s Room 40, and its contents revealed to the Americans.
The new German unrestricted submarine warfare policy is put into official effect, and publicly announced to neutral governments, including the government of the United States, on September 12th, 1916.
This policy is the classic “October Surprise” for America’s 1916 election, highly inconvenient for Woodrow Wilson’s “He kept us out war” messaging theme, because Wilson can now stick with that, and ignore Germany’s provocations on the high seas and its repudiation of past pledges to Wilson, and what will become weekly sinkings of American ships, or he can respond by breaking relations, arming merchant ships, or the ultimate sanction, declaring war, all sacrificing, to one degree or another, his war-avoidance achievement.
His opponents can point to Wilson policy failure leading America to this situation. But, they can also appear to be “ambulance-chasing” in bad taste in a national emergency, during which Wilson may benefit from a rally around the flag effect in public opinion.
Meanwhile, when the ‘Jagow Telegram’ contents are disclosed in Mexico, the US is closer to the middle of its Pancho Villa expedition rather than its end, so there might be subtle differences in how the Mexicans receive or evaluate it. At a minimum, even if the US were to declare war on Germany over the combination of the unrestricted submarine warfare and the Jagow Telegram in October 1916 or November 1916, extraction of the Army and National Guard from Mexico may take a little longer at this time than it did in the February 1917 timeframe in OTL.
So what happens from here. How does the Wilson Administration respond from September 13, 1916 onward, to the German USW announcement? Ignore it? Break relations? Arm merchant ships? Call on Congress over the next seven or eight weeks, or a shorter period of time, to declare war? How does the US react to the additional news, days later, of the Jagow Telegram, and the German proposal of alliance with Mexico, and further scheming to incite Japan against the USA and Entente?
Zimmerman’s stupidity in admitting to the veracity of his eponymous telegram is often noted as an odd blunder. But based on my looking over Jagow’s Wikipedia description, I think it’s quite plausible, even probable, Jagow would have admitted authorship under similar questioning. Zimmerman was carrying out the policy Jagow started. As tone-deaf as Zimmerman’s admission was, he was probably trying to keep alive the prospect embodied in the note of the potential alliance as a contingent, hypothetical deterrent (when in fact Americans did not see it that way, but was a bold, secret plot, instead). Jagow easily could have done the same.
Who would win the 1916 election?
What would happen for the rest of World War One?