|
|
Post by TheRomanSlayer on Dec 6, 2020 23:08:43 GMT
Prologue: What Has Happened Right Now/ Anong Ang Nangyari Ngayon
A/N: This is my first attempt at writing a TL in such a long time, and hopefully this will be a good warm up for future TL projects that I will be doing soon. The way this TL is written may be inspired by another famous post-Cold War TL, “Zhirinovsky’s Russian Empire”. --- International Community Watches with Trepidation as Philippines Holds Country’s First Elections Since 1986Associated PressMarch 16, 2016
Manila, PHILIPPINES – Facing tremendous international pressure as well as renewed UN sanctions on the island country, the Council for National Sovereignty, as the self-style junta calls itself, has agreed to hold the country’s first election since 1986 when both former president and dictator Ferdinand Marcos and the late widow of assassinated opposition leader Benigno Aquino Jr.’s wife Corazon Aquino claimed victory at the polls. Though the de facto leader of the CNS has dismissed calls for choosing one of their own leaders to campaign for the seat of President, Artemio Tadiar has not ruled out the possibility of running for the Presidency as an independent candidate, despite not holding any seats in the House of Representatives as a congressman.
“We are not sure if this upcoming election will be considered fair, given that the military junta still holds significant power in the government,” says prominent human rights activist Jesse Robredo from his exile in Australia. “The fact that we are still at war with ourselves from what has happened in 1986 is an indication of our failure to create a smooth transition from the Marcos dictatorship means something to our fellow Filipinos, who find themselves scattered around the world.”
Not all Filipinos, however, are optimistic about the upcoming election. For some, the upcoming elections only made them more skeptical about the planned transition of power to a civilian-led government.
“My sister has already fled to America because of her ties to the opposition movement that is based there, while my youngest brother was already killed by right-wing death squads for his ties to the communists,” Ernesto Sugat comments. “This election will not bring my brother Mateo back from the dead.”
Though it is not confirmed, seventeen candidates have filed their applications to the election office in Manila and within weeks, they will receive their confirmation on whether their candidacy will be valid and legitimate. Among them, Rolando Andaya Jr. is confirmed to take part in the election as a representative of the Philippine Democratic Socialists while Rolando Uy is also confirmed to take part as a representative of the United Nationalist Alliance. A party supporting the military junta, the Radical Unity Movement - Bantay, selected Jovito Palparan as its candidate, but it is unsure if Tadiar will accept Palparan as his potential rival. Even mere weeks after the upcoming election was announced for May 9 this year, reports of assassins for hire has circulated.
“I would not be surprised if even one candidate was killed in the first few months of the election campaign, let alone first few days. We have conniving rival candidates seeking to position themselves as a better alternative to whoever dies first,” Miguel Siongco comments from his place of exile in Singapore. “My oldest brother attempted to challenge the junta back in 2001 with a campaign to end military rule, but nearly died by the same right-wing death squads. I’m afraid for my life now that these same assassins for hire are now being recruited by the same junta to keep their rivals in check.”
A Philippine National Police officer guards a checkpoint between Plaridel and Pulilan, Bulacan, for contraband and other prohibited items, as well as travelers going through and within Bulacan--- FIFA WORLD CUP 2026 PROPOSED BIDS MIRED BY BID CONTROVERSY
Japan TimesSeptember 23, 2017
Bern, SWITZERLAND – The selection of the next host for the 2026 FIFA World Cup has already encountered several problems, all of them relating to the proposed bids. After the 2002 World Cup when both the former South Korea and Japan proposed to co-host the tournaments together resulted in its rejection and Japan eventually won the right to host the 2002 tournament, FIFA President Sepp Blatter ruled out any further joint bids, leading to a whopping 10 separate bids. With the 2010 World Cup being hosted by Colombia, the 2014 World Cup being hosted by Kazakhstan, the 2018 World Cup being hosted by Mexico and the 2022 World Cup being hosted by Spain, only the member states of OFC and CAF were permitted to submit their bids. Within the OFC, only New Zealand submitted their bid, and even they have a slim chance of hosting, and their proposal of co-hosting the tournament with Australia has been rejected by Blatter personally. The CAF saw Nigeria, Egypt, Algeria, Tunisia and Morocco submit their bids separately, and like their Middle Eastern counterparts, the hot climate might make it a challenge for them to host such a tournament. However, New Zealand’s challenge when it comes to hosting the tournament is unique in that out of eight proposed stadiums in New Zealand, five to six of them are used solely for rugby matches, while the rest of the stadiums do not have the capacity to host tens of thousands of fans for football matches. Still, the fact that ten bids have been submitted indicates that FIFA might be seeking to promote the tournament in areas of the world that have not had the exposure to enough football tournaments yet. Korea’s only experience in hosting a major tournament was the 2004 Asian Cup when it was the first tournament to be held in a reunited Korean Peninsula. The tournament in Seoul would be known for its infamy when during the final match between China and Japan, there were various fights between the two fans and both teams received a record of 6 yellow cards each and only two red cards each as well. So far, it was one of the few tournaments where both players and fans engaged in sports violence, the other incident being the 2002 FIFA World Cup final between England and Argentina. The tournament also had an additional dark chapter when Chinese fans had accidentally killed a Filipino tourist mistaken for a Japanese fan outside a bar in Pyeongchang, leading to the notorious 2008 friendly match between the Philippines and China PR when Filipino fans not only booed the Chinese anthem (for which the Philippine Football Association was levied a $200,000 for disrespecting the anthem) but instigated fist fights between the two fans.
--- VOSTOK 2016 EXERCISE COMPLETE AS RUSSIA, CHINA, DISCUSS POSSIBLE HUMANITARIAN INTERVENTION IN EVENT OF GROWING INSTABILITY IN PHILIPPINES
South China Morning PostMay 4, 2016
Pyongyang, KOREA – The foreign ministers of both the East Slavic Federation (albeit it was the Russian contingent forces only, and no troops from autonomous Ukraine or Belarus participated) and China met at a summit today in Pyongyang as the elections in the Philippines is coming closer, to discuss options in the event of another failed attempt at a smooth transition of power from the military junta to a civilian-led government. ESF Foreign Minister Natalia Zarudna also proposes a joint intervention in coordination with the United States, Japan and Australia in the event of such failure happening, while Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi raises concern of America’s motives in its planned intervention should Lavrov’s proposal come through.
“We are deeply concerned about various reports of potential voter fraud, as well as planned assassinations of rival candidates occurring. At the same time, we are also advising our citizens who are in the Philippines to leave the country before and during the election, as to avoid chaos and needless incidents,” comments Wang Yi in front of reporters after being asked about the election. “For decades, the junta in the Philippines has grown more isolationist as even the United States has started to distance itself from its former colony as a response to the events of 1986.”
The comments made by China’s Foreign Minister comes at a time when the Vostok 2016 military exercise conducted by the militaries of the ESF (mainly troops from Russia), China, Mongolia and Korea have been completed. Yet with a reunited Korea’s foreign policy being that of complete neutrality, it is difficult to assume that Korea may abandon that policy in response to Japan’s growing calls to abolish Article 9 of its constitution that forbids it from having a formal military and sending its soldiers off to war. The exercise also comes at a time when the United States, Japan and Taiwan conducted its naval exercise, codenamed Burning Flower, just outside the Ryukyu Island chain.
The militaries of the East Slavic Federation (mainly Russian troops), China and Mongolia are present as they conduct their exercise on the Sino-Mongolian border. Another exercise was held at the Tumen River junction where the borders of the ESF, China and Korea meet, which was dominated by the respective navies of the three countries that share the common river on the Tumen.
“Although we are relieved that Korea chose not to align itself with China and the ESF, they are still mad at us for wanting to have what they have: a military that we can claim as our own,” an unnamed Japanese soldier said on condition of anonymity. “Our government has also invested more in our own military as a response to China’s growing adventurism in East Asia, and we cannot rely on the Americans any longer.”
Even within Japan, people are divided over the status of the Self-Defense Forces and Article 9 of the 1947 Japanese constitution. For some radicals within the Japanese nationalist movement, Article 9 garners a lot of resentment from the hardcore radicals who seek to have Japan re-assert itself once more in the international stage.
“Under the Americans, we have fallen so low as to be reduced to servants and underlings within our homeland!” shouts ultranationalist politician Makoto Sakurai in front of his supporters at a rally hosted by the newly formed United Japan Party, a political party that merged from Sakurai’s own short-lived Japan First Party, the National Rebirth Party led by former Japan Air Self-Defense Force General Toshio Tamogami and the Japan Innovation Party. Photos of infamous writer and would-be coup leader Yukio Mishima were often seen in Sakurai’s own rallies as well. “No more groveling before the foreign barbarians for us! It is time we retake our country back from the weaklings and the traitors who sold us out!”
Though Sakurai has not formulated an official policy yet, he has expressed admiration for the current military junta that rules the Philippines, but so far, he has not made any comments on the upcoming election there. It is not a secret that Sakurai wanted a more assertive Japanese military and the restoration of the Emperor’s divine status, but also hopes that under his future administration, should he be voted into power, that Japan would also be allowed to sell its weapons and equipment to various future clients. Currently, the Philippines has surplus American weaponry from the Cold War era and Sakurai is positioning Japan to become the first non-American nation to sell its weapons to the Philippines. Ironically, Korea’s government is also hoping to sell its weapons to its future clients as well, with the Philippines being its main target.
---
Next Chapter: Chapter One
|
|
stevep
Fleet admiral
Posts: 24,856 
Likes: 13,235
|
Post by stevep on Dec 7, 2020 16:05:01 GMT
So we're got a Philippines that has been under a military coup since 1986, a more assertive Japan, a reunited Korea under democratic control by the sound of it and a Russian-Chinese 'alliance' but how liberal or not their own governments are - presumably not very but could be wrong - is unclear. A new attempt to restore democracy in the Philippines but doubt over how serious the military are at giving up power. Looks interesting, and will see what develops but sounds like possibility for tension if not war in E Asia, which could be very nasty for all involved.
Steve
|
|
|
|
Post by TheRomanSlayer on Dec 7, 2020 18:16:09 GMT
So we're got a Philippines that has been under a military coup since 1986, a more assertive Japan, a reunited Korea under democratic control by the sound of it and a Russian-Chinese 'alliance' but how liberal or not their own governments are - presumably not very but could be wrong - is unclear. A new attempt to restore democracy in the Philippines but doubt over how serious the military are at giving up power. Looks interesting, and will see what develops but sounds like possibility for tension if not war in E Asia, which could be very nasty for all involved.
Steve
The actual start of the PoD will be covered in the next update, although Korean reunification in TTL might occur later on. The 'alliance' as you may label it, may not be that permanent, as we will see. |
|
|
|
Post by TheRomanSlayer on Dec 7, 2020 21:16:47 GMT
Chapter One: Out of Control/Napakatakot ang Situasyon Dito
Excerpts from “The Collapsing Light at the End of the Tunnel: The Brutal Post-Marcos Dictatorship”
By: Miriam Defensor Santiago
ANU Press, published 2001.
Chapter Three: A Glimmer of Hope
When we had the election in 1986, I thought that the Marcos dictatorship is on its last toes. The murder of Benigno “Ninoy” Aquino in Manila back in 1983 was the point of no return. After Ninoy’s death, sporadic resistance to the Marcos dictatorship began, however it was rather small. The military was still in his pocket, and various exiled activists campaigned to bring down the dictatorship. Even the President of the United States, Ronald Reagan, was starting to distance himself from President Marcos. Although it was just February of 1986, little did I know that this was just the start of our nation’s long march to its worst nightmare.
At that time, I worked as a Regional Trial Court judge at Metro Manila where I oversaw cases that involved the military and police arresting students for their activism. At the same time, I also gave lectures on various topics within my expertise, which was of course, the law. I went back and forth between my job as a judge in the RTC and as a lecturer at the state university. One of the people that saw and listened to the lectures I gave out was the man who eventually started the whole nightmare in the first place.
“I liked your lectures, Madam Santiago,” Artemio Tadiar told me after I finished the lecture that one morning on February 14. “It’s a pity that you had to be the nanay for those fools who broke the law in the first place.”
I snorted in derision. “The law that our gracious President had passed down that is normally considered unconstitutional in any normal country, is it? Wala na ang Batas Militar, Heneral.” (1)
“Ang situasyon dito ay napaka delikado ngayon. Hindi tapos ang ating guerra sa mga komunista na sa bundok, at sa mga Muslim na sa Mindanao,” (2) Tadiar spoke back bitterly. “I don’t wish to tell you how to do your job properly, but you are on thin ice right now. The president can easily strip you of your job unless you stop coddling the morons who are causing trouble in the first place.”
“General Tadiar,” I replied tersely while leading him out of the auditorium within the University of Santo Tomas. “The president doesn’t have any time left. There is another election coming, and I can assure you. It is going to be completely different.”
“How? What challenge can that widowed housewife can provide to him?” Tadiar scoffed while approaching the university entrance. “As far as I know, she didn’t even run for any political office in the first place. Moreover, the Aquinos spent their exile in America during the Martial Law years.”
“The fact that Ninoy was murdered on orders of the President should warn us all of what his death can mean for the entire country.” I simply showed the General the exit and returned inside once Tadiar was out of university property.
--- Portions from the Interview with Guillermo Sandoval, former Marine Corps Officer who witnessed the 1986 EDSA RevolutionGMA 7 Interview, March 24, 1990
Interviewer: So, tell me about your role in the EDSA Revolution when you served under Colonel Tadiar, Lieutenant Sandoval. What was it like when most of EDSA was covered with the protesters marching against the Marcos dictatorship?
Sandoval: At that time, my men were not yet deployed into the streets. However, segments of the regular Philippine Army had already been out on the streets and there was even a report of the soldiers going over to the opposition.
Interviewer: Reports from foreign press tell us that there were vote rigging on both sides. Can you verify if that was true?
Sandoval: While I have not seen the vote rigging in person, it would not surprise me at the very least. There are some diehards who profited from the corruption over the decades since Marcos was president.
Interviewer: All right. So, what happened on the streets on that fateful day?
Sandoval: (pauses) I still could not talk about it, even years after it happened. I am not sure how to describe it in my own words.
Interviewer: OK, we will leave it at that. What did you think of the chances that Cory Aquino had with the election?
Sandoval: At this point, many people are fed up with President Marcos and wanted change. Cory Aquino had the courage and the integrity to run for political office on the premise that she wanted to avenge her husband’s death. Had she been allowed to become president, and had Colonel Tadiar controlled himself, we would not have the catastrophe that we are experiencing today.--- ARMY DEPLOYED TO STREETS AS PROTESTERS CONTINUE TO GATHERThe Vancouver Sun
February 22, 1986Manila, PHILIPPINES – Protesters gathered at a popular street in Manila to demonstrate against the election results of President Marcos, as well as the dictatorship he rules over. Election results have been disputed, with voter fraud being reported almost constantly. Meanwhile, thousands of pro-Marcos supporters celebrated outside the streets of Manila in what they believe to be a legitimate election. The comparison between the paltry support for the embattled President and the emboldened opposition is clear, but tensions are in the air over the President’s decision to bring in the military to quell the uprising.
“We have waited for years now to get rid of the dictator, and he has shown time and time again that he will not give up his hold on power,” one protester shouted in front of supporters for the unheard challenger to President Marcos at this year’s election. “If he will not step down, we will personally eject him from Malacanang Palace!”
Emboldened by the weakening of President Marcos’s hold on his power, the opposition was also joined by left wing groups operating in the country. Current chairman of the Communist Party of the Philippines, Jose Maria Sison, applauded the protesters’ move to demonstrate in front of EDSA, even as his guerrillas increased their raids on Philippine Army outposts throughout the country, while Muslim secessionists in the south have also increased their raids as well.
“The time for the fascist dictator has passed. It is now the time for the people to take back their country from the puppet of the Americans and to control its destiny,” Sison says on a televised broadcast made in a remote Visayan jungle. “The People’s Revolution continues as our protracted war will strike a blow against the fascists in power.”
However, a segment of the Philippine Marines remained loyal to the president and continues to take orders from him. Just a few hours ago, a detachment of the Philippine Marines under Colonel Artemio Tadiar was sent to pacify the streets of Manila.--- Excerpts from “A Nation in Mourning”
By: Arturo Tolentino
Atlas Publishing, published 2002
Chapter Seven: Out of Control
When I heard from President Marcos that a battalion of Marines had been deployed into EDSA, I was relieved that they were going to be able to keep the protesters from going out of control. Although I did not know who was leading the Marines at that time, I was somewhat glad that we were going to get through this crisis with our administration intact. I approached Macoy while he was giving out instructions to the rest of the military while several bodyguards stood aside.
“Mr. President, how goes the pacification?” I asked after Macoy hung up on the phone.
“It will go well, as long as my soldiers obey my command to not fire on the protesters,” Macoy replied confidently. While I agreed with his statement, there are some hotheads or fresh recruits who completed their basic training not a while ago who might panic at the sight of the civilians. “They will understand that I’m being merciful towards them.”
“And what will happen if they don’t disperse? This is even bigger than the Plaza Miranda bombing that the communists are responsible for,” I spoke frightfully.
Macoy scoffed. “Natakot ka? Kung walang problema na sa EDSA, walang problema sa itong eleksyon. (3) How will that shriveled up housewife defeat me?”
Suddenly, the phone rang again. Macoy grabbed it as soon as he can. I stayed behind to see and hear if the protesters had dispersed. What I saw next will haunt me, for Macoy’s facial expression rapidly turned dark.
“Ano ang sinabi ko kanina? Huwag kayong lahat magpaputok sa mga magpoprotesta! Sino nagbigay ng umorder na magpaputok?” (4) Macoy shouted.
One of the officers replied frightfully. “I don’t know. One of our soldiers panicked when the protesters approached us. He thought they were going to take his gun away, and he fired by accident.”
“Tell me who that moron is, and I’ll make sure he gets court martialed-“ I froze as I can faintly hear more gunfire in the background. It was because of one frightened soldier that our situation has worsened. God can only help us now if the fallout increases.
 Filipino Roman Catholic nuns standing with the protesters at EDSA shortly before Colonel Tadiar and his battalion of Philippine Marine soldiers accidentally opened fire on them. The blame game between Tadiar, Marcos and the protesters themselves raged on for decades until Tadiar's trial in 2017.--- Excerpts from Banahaw Broadcasting Corporation Coverage of the EDSA RevolutionFebruary 22, 1986(We see TV reporter Vilma Pascual on the ground, and Oliver Kidlat)
Pascual: We see the protesters just simply standing there on the streets of EDSA and Ortigas Avenue while the nuns there are leading the prayer. Just across from where the protesters are standing are the soldiers of the Philippine Marines, who are simply standing there and keeping the peace to make sure that things do not go out of control. Oliver, what is the situation back in the Palace?
Oliver Kidlat: (from Malacanang) President Marcos is still waiting for the election results that is still contested, and multiple reports of voter fraud have been confirmed. I can also see the officers and the remaining soldiers from both the Army and Marines guarding the Palace. It is on a de facto lockdown down there. Any changes down there?
Pascual: (pauses) No changes so far…… (sees protesters walking with nuns giving out rosaries to the soldiers) Hold on, we are seeing the nuns trying to calm the soldiers down and I see one of the nuns trying to talk to- (gunfire erupts) Ay nako! (5) What we just saw now is that a nun was shot in the chest. The soldier who fired his rifle was clearly shaking, and the protesters are now converging upon the outnumbered marines and- (more gunfire) Dios ko! (6) What we are now seeing is a panic leading to a massacre! The nuns who tried to pacify the soldiers are down on the ground. They are clearly dead, as we can see by the bullet holes in their chest and in their head. (Pauses) Hold on, we are getting another response.
(Scene turns to a reporter from GMA as he tries to flee from the carnage caused by another section of the Marines)
GMA Reporter: To my colleague at Banahaw Broadcasting Corporation, please save this footage! The Marines have gone out of control! They are getting agitated by more of the protesters and are starting to fire back!
Pascual: (makes the sign of the cross) God help us. God help the Philippines, for this will not end well.
A stranded Philippine Army APC surrounded by protesters. This is one of the rare moments when a few units of the Philippine Army defected to the opposition, setting the stage for a potential showdown between the embattled President Marcos, the opposition and the third party in the form of disgruntled military officers disgusted and enraged at the atrocities committed by Tadiar's panic-stricken Marines.---
TRIAL OF FORMER MAJOR GENERAL TADIAR CONTINUES AT THE HAGUE ON CHARGES RELATED TO EDSA MASSACRE
Sydney Herald
July 14, 2019
The Hague, NETHERLANDS – For the seventh week this year, the trial of the chief mastermind of the recently abolished Council for National Sovereignty, former Brigadier General Artemio Tadiar, continues as new evidence are being presented in front of judges at the Hague. Tadiar is most notorious for his role in the so-called accidental shooting of the protesters during the 1986 EDSA Revolution that saw the fall of former dictator Ferdinand Marcos, and the short-lived Presidency of Corazon Aquino before Tadiar, with the support of disgruntled military officers disillusioned with the late dictator who later joined Tadiar, decided to nullify the results of the election and clamped down on the opposition in such a manner that not even Marcos himself would approve.
Charged under Crimes against Humanity and other various human rights violations, Tadiar is defiant and confident at the same time, thinking that those charges will be thrown out. Still, many witnesses who were present during the revolution gave out their testimonies that proved beyond reasonable doubt that the former coup leader was guilty. However, some testimonies had to be thrown out when it was revealed that elements of the former CNS had hired assassins to kill the witnesses to ensure that Tadiar does not receive any heavy punishments for his crimes, stemming from the 1986 Revolution to the junta. In addition to charges relating to his actions during the 1986 EDSA Revolution, Tadiar is also charged with various human rights violations during the government’s war against communist rebels and Muslim secessionists, with claims of torture, mass murder and rape of female combatants by the Philippine military. In 2017, a farmer had discovered by accident, a mass grave containing 172 bodies of left-wing activists who were reported as missing to the authorities.
“The communists are lying to make themselves feel good and for the international community to have pity on them when in fact they are committing more atrocities against us!” Tadiar shouted in front of judges, even when a star witness who cannot be identified for confidential reasons, heckled at him and shouted back. “Mass graves!? Another communist lie!”
The period of the Council for National Sovereignty from February of 1987 to July of 2016, was the dark chapter in Philippine history when oppression was increased to levels even bigger than the Marcos era, as opposition activists were either driven into exile or killed. Yet even exiled activists were not safe from the assassins employed by the CNS, as evident by the murder of exiled social democratic activist Bong Go at his home in San Francisco, California in July of 1993. Within that time period, the CNS had also cracked down on black market activities by attempting to implement economic reforms, only for the UN to implement economic sanctions on the Philippines from 1989 onwards after jailing both Jesse and Leni Robredo on charges of subversion before their exile to Australia in 1993 upon reaching an agreement with Australian authorities in exchange for closer cooperation in law enforcement. Since then, most countries had severed diplomatic ties with the Philippines, except for Chile, Japan, Indonesia, and most controversially, Australia, as the Australians were the only link between the Philippines and the world during the junta.
The CNS period also suffered a diplomatic humiliation when China had taken advantage of its weakened state to occupy the entirety of the disputed Spratly Islands chain, with a Chinese military base being built within 200 kilometers of the Philippine coast, a source of tension between China and the Philippines. Though war between the two countries had erupted, alongside an increase in its military confrontation with Vietnam, it was only thanks to Germany's diplomatic intervention after Chinese air force bombers had flattened the Philippines that the warring parties were brought to the negotiating table, though it did not stop the two nations from having hostile diplomatic stances towards each other. At the same time, the economic sanctions and diplomatic isolation imposed on the Philippines also meant that Filipinos who wanted to leave the country had to go to the Australian Embassy to file political asylum before arriving at the country until 2001 when Mexico and Argentina re-established diplomatic relations with the Philippines and gradually replaced Australia as the destination for Filipino political exiles. Moreover, the growth of Filipinos seeking political asylum has resulted in backlash from Australian far-right activists who still clung on the long abandoned White Australia policy.
--- Excerpts from “Cue for Conspiracy: The Rise and Fall of Senator Alex Jones”
By: Issac Feldman
University of California Berkley Publishing Press
Chapter Two: A Genuine Paranoiac or a Deceptive Politician in the Making?
Though I have not heard much about Alex Jones’s life when he was a teenager, he mostly kept to himself throughout high school, but he did play varsity football at Anderson High School until 1993 when he graduated and went into Austin Community College. I was one of his classmates at college since we both took two history courses together, as well as one course on English literature. Most of the people at Austin Community College did not really interact with Jones that much, although he did contemplate on dropping out at one point after having failed another English exam, but I convinced him not to drop out. I even helped him study throughout his college years, which he greatly appreciated. In return, he would often invite me to play some football with him on the field. However, the one thing that kept our friendship on a knife’s edge was the book he would obsess over, which was called ‘None Dared Called It Conspiracy’. I was nervous after reading its contents, mainly because of some hidden anti-Semitic undertones here. However, Alex did not really display any kind of racial hatred towards non-whites, as evident by his willingness to talk to a few African American students who studied at our college.
Eventually he became more interested in politics as our college years progressed, and he even joined the local chapter of ‘The American Cause’ hosted by the notorious paleoconservative Patrick Buchanan, rising to become one of the activists at some point. I was initially neutral in politics until a couple of left-wing students started causing trouble at the college campus. Having been raised as an Orthodox Jew, I was not really interested in the whole progressive garbage they were spewing, but Alex saw potential in me when I helped him write some speeches for the American Cause. By 1994, I also joined the American Cause as well. One of the things that helped us both propel into student politics and later, American politics was the situation in the Philippines. The junta, as Alex calls it, was the subject of his constant rants on the radio. Pat Buchanan himself was impressed by how Alex conducted himself with his talks on the radio that he even hired him as an unpaid intern with the American Cause, but Alex also insisted that Buchanan hire me as an unpaid intern as well. I was surprised because I was just getting into politics myself.
Alex’s speeches continued to improve throughout the rest of our college years, while I did give out some speeches myself on the side. The topics he would often talk about are the Filipino junta (which he claimed, was some sort of a deep state where the military controls everything in the shadows and a puppet leader would be its front man), the economy, banking system, and the government itself. He even envisioned himself as America’s savior, cleaning the government of so-called secret society infiltrators and collaborators. It was then that I began to slowly distance myself from him, but I was not jealous at Alex’s growing popularity with the rest of the college population. I was still his friend long after we both graduated, but by then I had an eye on becoming a corporate lawyer while Alex had his eye on becoming a politician. I told him that he was too young to become a politician and that he had to wait until he was 35 or older to officially run for political office. Thus, Alex would work for the American Cause throughout the rest of the 1990s until the 21st century when he officially joined the Libertarian Party and slowly worked his way up into the top ranks, not achieving anything until 2012 when he first campaigned for a seat as a candidate for the House of Representatives in his Austin electoral district.
--- (1) “There is no more Martial Law.” (2) “The situation is extremely dangerous. We are at war with the communists in the mountains and the Muslims (Moro secessionists) in the south.” (3) “If there is no problem in EDSA, there is no problem in this election.” (4) “What did I say? Do not shoot the protesters! Who gave the orders to fire at them?” (referencing Marcos’s orders to not open fire on the protesters IOTL as well as TTL) (5) A popular exclamation used by Filipinos when they are surprised. (6) “My God!” (see (5) above) - Retconned due to a future update that might be mixed up. Dates have been moved. Previous Chapter: PrologueNext Chapter: Chapter Two
|
|
stevep
Fleet admiral
Posts: 24,856
Likes: 13,235
|
Post by stevep on Dec 8, 2020 11:24:58 GMT
Nasty and sounds like a very brutal period for the Philippines. Also a turn towards the hard right in Australia which is likely to have had an impact on their position in the Commonwealth. Although possibly not the level of isolation of S Africa under white rule depending on how repressive or not things got in Australia itself.
Steve
|
|
gillan1220
Fleet admiral
I've been depressed recently. Slow replies coming in the next few days.
Posts: 12,609
Likes: 11,326
|
Post by gillan1220 on Dec 8, 2020 13:35:10 GMT
The Philippines is probably like Burma.
|
|
stevep
Fleet admiral
Posts: 24,856
Likes: 13,235
|
Post by stevep on Dec 8, 2020 15:32:03 GMT
The Philippines is probably like Burma.
Hopefully not that bad, and by the sound of it they do have democracy by the present day, since the leader of the military junta is facing charges in the Hague. However it sounds like its going to be very unpleasant for a couple of decades or so.  |
|
|
|
Post by TheRomanSlayer on Dec 8, 2020 20:08:59 GMT
Australia wouldn't really turn to the right. OTL they had close relations with Suharto's Indonesia despite being a democratic nation until 1998. Basically the accidental firing will have consequences, though how fast it will reveal itself will depend on the actions of a few generals.
And yes, as it is alluded, Tadiar would eventually face charges in the Hague, but not before learning more of what other atrocities it committed. And I will say this: you might expect Burma to either stay on its current path or become a bit more democratic, lest they end up like TTL Philippines with possible UN sanctions on the country.
|
|
gillan1220
Fleet admiral
I've been depressed recently. Slow replies coming in the next few days.
Posts: 12,609
Likes: 11,326
|
Post by gillan1220 on Dec 9, 2020 13:17:28 GMT
One question here. What events are butterflied away in East Asia? Does the US remain in the Philippines to this day? Is China a belligerent in the South China Sea? Does 9/11 still occur on time or does an equivalent take its place?
|
|
stevep
Fleet admiral
Posts: 24,856
Likes: 13,235
|
Post by stevep on Dec 9, 2020 16:26:11 GMT
One question here. What events are butterflied away in East Asia? Does the US remain in the Philippines to this day? Is China a belligerent in the South China Sea? Does 9/11 still occur on time or does an equivalent take its place?
On a couple of them its been mentioned that Korea has been unified, although how is unclear and that the regime was weak enough that China was able to secure control of all the Spratley'. Almost certainly a lot of other butterflies. The invasion of Afghanistan had already been ongoing for several years by 1986 so probably problems with Islamic extremists but whether at attack as large as OTL 9/11 and if so where TheRomanSlayer, would have to decide/tell us. |
|
gillan1220
Fleet admiral
I've been depressed recently. Slow replies coming in the next few days.
Posts: 12,609
Likes: 11,326
|
Post by gillan1220 on Dec 9, 2020 17:17:38 GMT
One question here. What events are butterflied away in East Asia? Does the US remain in the Philippines to this day? Is China a belligerent in the South China Sea? Does 9/11 still occur on time or does an equivalent take its place?
On a couple of them its been mentioned that Korea has been unified, although how is unclear and that the regime was weak enough that China was able to secure control of all the Spratley'. Almost certainly a lot of other butterflies. The invasion of Afghanistan had already been ongoing for several years by 1986 so probably problems with Islamic extremists but whether at attack as large as OTL 9/11 and if so where TheRomanSlayer , would have to decide/tell us. Since China seized the Spratlys, then I could see the US did pullout of the Philippines ruled by a Junta. I'm curious what happens next. |
|
|
|
Post by TheRomanSlayer on Dec 9, 2020 19:04:26 GMT
Korea is reunified by TTL's present day, although it is hinted that the reunification might take place in the 2000s, as indicated by how the attempted joint bids made during TTL's proposal to hold the 2002 FIFA World Cup in the former South Korea. However, the eruption of Mount Pinatubo had rendered most of the US military bases in the Philippines useless, so the US military will pull out of the country on schedule. It's how the junta handles the Mount Pinatubo eruption that will be the main focus of it all.
9/11, I'm not sure if that may still happen, given that there will be several factors that may lead to it not happening. However, the junta in control of the Philippines may also mean China becomes much more bolder in the Spratly Islands dispute, so I wouldn't be surprised if they would also go to war with the other claimants in the sea with the two names (I don't like to refer to it by the South China Sea for personal and nationalist reasons). The conflict would also have its roots in the Johnson South Reef Skirmish, which will still happen ITTL.
We might also take a look at the 1986 US midterm elections as well, since they might be affected by the events in the Philippines, but the 1988 US presidential elections will definitely be a game changer.
|
|
|
|
Post by TheRomanSlayer on Dec 9, 2020 20:07:25 GMT
Chapter Two: All in Trouble/ Lagot Kayong LahatExcerpts from “From Glasnost to Dissolution: The Violent Last Years of the Soviet Union”
By: Viktor Ivanenko
Molodaya Gvardiya, published 2012Chapter Four: The Speech that Started Everything
The official start of the 27th Congress of the CPSU had started off with another one of those boring speeches that comrade Gorbachev had started. To be honest, I was not interested in the statistics of the Soviet economy, because I knew it all too well that it has started to go down rapidly. Moreover, we were bogged down in Afghanistan with no end in sight as more of our brave soldiers are coming back in body bags and some of them are even coming home with amputated body parts. Although official reports of the casualties were kept secret as to not anger the general public, military officers bold enough to confide in me revealed that more than 45,000 of our troops were wounded. There were several new members who were elected in the new government, among them a man with a notorious reputation for uncontrolled drunkenness. To my surprise however, Boris Nikolayevich showed up sober, at the meeting. There is no doubt in my mind that he is taking this matter seriously, but I do not know how long until comrade Yeltsin slips back into his habits. After the elections were finished, comrade Gorbachev continued his speech, though I had to pay attention to what he was saying. Some of my colleagues had given me a hint as to which direction comrade Gorbachev wanted to go.
“Our country is constantly facing one crisis after another, from our mission to help our Afghan fraternal brothers bring down the reactionaries who continue to plague such a war-torn country to our citizens’ constant fears of not being able to feed their own families. It is a bit shameful that while we constantly talk about bringing the fruits of socialism to the rest of the world, we cannot even bring the fruits of our own socialist labour to our own citizens as well. Moreover, there is no such transparency in this government, and at some point, the people will demand answers. Answers that we cannot deliver right away,” comrade Gorbachev speaks at the podium. “We need to think about how to restructure our own country to survive this brinkmanship with the United States, and we need to know how to do it. For this reason, I am proposing a policy of glasnost. To open up our government’s functions and actions to the Soviet people for them to gain an exposure to what we are doing.”
“Comrade General Secretary, may I speak?” one of the delegates asked.
Comrade Gorbachev nodded. “Ask away, comrade. As I have said, now is the time to be open about our practices.”
“Thank you, Comrade General Secretary.” I spotted the man who asked the question and sighed in relief. A Kazakh delegate called Dinmukhamed Konayev had the courage to speak. “I would like to point out that there can be drawbacks to this kind of reform you’re proposing, Comrade General Secretary.”
“And why would that be in the case?” Comrade Gorbachev asked curiously. “Is it that you’re afraid of my policies and proposals because you’re afraid that you won’t benefit from whatever corrupt practices you’re conducting in the Kazakh SSR?”
Konayev’s face turned dark. “How dare you! What evidence do you have to prove that I’m engaged in acts of corruption?”
“Comrades! Let us stay calm and see what Comrade Gorbachev had to say,” Anatoly Lukyanov spoke back, but some of the other delegates glared at the interloper. “Comrade Konayev, he’s just provoking you into saying something that can kill your career, and even kill you in the process.”
“While I agree with what Comrade Lukyanov has said, he has spoken out of turn,” Qahhor Mahkhamov replied and Comrade Gorbachev nodded in agreement.
After the session was finished, comrade Gorbachev spotted me waiting just outside the Moscow city border while parked at the side of the street. I can tell that he was not happy with the events that transpired in the session. To make matters worse, another uninvited guest had approached our car and gestured for one of us to open the door for him to come inside. Reluctantly, Comrade Gorbachev opened it and General Igor Nikolayevich Rodionov entered inside. Additional disappointments had added to our annoyance as the general sat beside the General Secretary.
“What is so important to all of us that you had to come here unannounced?” I asked the general.
Rodionov scoffed and glared at me. “Something far more important than your feelings, comrade.” He added the emphasis on the word comrade with a hint of sarcasm. “Casualties are increasing, comrade General Secretary, on the Afghan front. I’m asking for your permission to deploy a few more troops from either the Transcaucasus Miitary District, or deploy more troops from the Turkestan MD Contingent?”
“And how, may I ask, are we losing more of our soldiers to the enemy?” I asked back.
“I’m sure the Americans have sent aid to this Mujahideen resistance movement. I’ve received reports of Stinger missiles being sent to them from unknown sources, but it is common knowledge that Pakistan is being used as a conduit for the shipment of supplies to the Mujahideen,” Rodionov replied back. Before he climbed out of the car, he dropped one folder into Comrade Gorbachev’s lap. “One of the commanders brought this to me. A report on a promising officer who performed brilliantly in Afghanistan, he’s currently attending the Frunze Military Academy and he’s served as pallbearers to your predecessors, Comrade Gorbachev. He’s also popular with the troops on the ground, which could be a pain in the neck to us in the future.”
“What is his name, comrade?” Comrade Gorbachev asked back. He did not get the answer verbally from comrade Rodionov, but the dossier spoke for itself. “Alexander Lebed. What an interesting fellow.”
--- Portions from the Interview with General Eduardo Kapunan
Sky News AU Interview, October 12, 2013
Interviewer: What was your reaction when former Major General Tadiar returned to visit President Marcos after the debacle in the Manila incident?
Kapunan: To be honest, I was not sure. I was with the Reform the Armed Forces movement, so I was mainly on the side of the late Cory Aquino. At the very least, my men provided the security for the protesters who were standing on the side.
Interviewer: Yet I am puzzled by your later actions. What was it that made you turn from a military activist for democracy to a supporter of one of the worst military junta in the world, one that surpassed even General Pinochet’s dictatorship in Chile?
Kapunan: When I was recalled to Malacanang by General Honasan, some of our junior officers were shocked, disgusted and outraged that the Philippine Marines had opened fire on the protesters. Keep in mind that many of the Marines who fired on the protesters had recently completed their basic training and were shoved into pacification duty on EDSA. It took weeks for us to decide what to do with the former President, but by then even the most loyal officers had started to distance themselves from President Marcos. However, there was one more officer who can pose a challenge to us.
Interviewer: You are of course, speaking of the late General Fabian Ver, correct?
Kapunan: Yes, but at this point he was already replaced as Defense Secretary by Fidel Ramos and to no one’s surprise, Fidel Ramos declared for Cory Aquino. We were also stunned by this development as the revolution in EDSA might be successful.
Interviewer: Of course, but we have all known what happened after that. (pauses) Can you also tell me as to how an unknown officer like Tadiar emerged as the undisputed leader of what became known as the Council for National Sovereignty?
Kapunan: The process took weeks, but once the massacre happened, you have the generals at odds with each other. You also have both the loyalists on both sides preparing for a potential confrontation and we still have the communists and the Moro secessionists in the south to deal with. It was the worst time in our history, but at that time, we were desperate to stamp out what we see as sedition and rebellion.
Interviewer: History has judged many people based on their deeds, but can you say that you are also guilty of contributing to Tadiar’s dictatorship?
Kapunan: I am, but what you need to understand is that if Cory Aquino had been allowed to become President, there would have been several coups attempts against her administration. All of which would be led by the very same men who are trying to overthrow former President Marcos. To be honest, it was the confrontation between Fabian Ver and Artemio Tadiar that started the whole thing.
--- Excerpts from “A Nation in Mourning”
By: Arturo Tolentino
Atlas Publishing, published 2002
Chapter Eight: Boiling TensionsWhen Artemio Tadiar arrived at Malacanang Palace, many of the guards there openly glared at him for defying the President’s order to not fire on the protesters. To no one’s surprise, Fabian Ver showed up at the entrance of the palace and did not say any word to him. Some of the junior officers were busy giving orders to various subordinates on the ground while other officers constantly kept the President busy with their briefings. Thirty minutes later, I saw another group of officers arrive at the palace, all of them were Philippine Marines who were not attached to Colonel Tadiar but were connected to Fabian Ver. I approached the office an hour later where President Marcos was briefing Tadiar as if he were being court martialed.
“I did give out an order for all the troops to not fire on the protesters, correct?” the President asked angrily. Tadiar did not give out the answer, which only made Macoy angrier. “Why did you disobey the order?”
Tadiar didn’t speak for a minute before recomposing himself and responded, “Mr. President, one of my troops panicked when the protesters tried to approach him. He thought they were going to disarm him and fired back by accident.”
“That accident can cost me the election and the presidency!” Macoy shouted back before gasping for breath. All of us grew nervous at his state of health, for many of us know that Macoy’s health is slowly declining over the years. “Do you understand the severity of your fucking mistake!?”
“Mr. President, I have already taken steps to discipline one of my soldiers who shot by accident…” muttered Tadiar, but Macoy slammed his hand into the desk.
“Walang akong pakialam sa kasalanang mo! (1)” the President shouted again, but he started to gasp for air as the rest of the officers saw what happened and rushed to give him some water.
Fabian Ver growled as he entered the President’s room and glared at Tadiar. “You just costed us the only chance for the President to survive this whole ordeal.”
It was at this moment that Tadiar kicked an empty chair aside. Ver turned his gaze back at him, but this time the Colonel grabbed his pistol and aimed at his head. Most of the officers who were present gasped in horror as Ver pointed his own gun at him. Tadiar then turned to me and pointed at the phone. I realized that Tadiar wanted me to call someone, but who?
“Tawagin mo si Heneral Honasan at si Colonel Bibit.” (2) I started to dial the tone, but Tadiar raised his hand. “Teka. Tawagin mo maumpisa si Colonel Bibit. (3) He will send the message to General Honasan.”
“Bakit? Mga RAM ay nagkasuporta si Cory Aquino!” (4) I replied in an astonished voice.
“Just do what I say. I need to negotiate with them anyways. It’s not like they have a choice in the matter,” Tadiar replied back coldly, but Ver grabbed the phone out of my hands.
“You take orders from the President, Mr. Vice President. Not a lower ranking officer.” Ver said to me as he slammed it down. “Do you want to lose your own Vice Presidency?”
“The people are growing more bolder, General Ver. Can’t you see it outside? We only have a thousand supporters, compared to tens of thousands of people who came out for the ‘shriveled up old housewife’, as our President calls the bitch!” I snapped angrily. I gestured outside and still saw the calmness of Malacanang Palace. “The RAM might even launch a coup against the President if we don’t do something about it!”
Tadiar and I soon walked out of Macoy’s office while being escorted by the Presidential Security Detachment detail three hours later, with Ver acting all smug about how he singlehandedly stopped the coup that preserved the Marcos administration. Unfortunately, when we tried to go back to Malacanang Palace, we found out that the security has been tripled. In an instant, I turned to Tadiar and pushed him to the side, where we cannot be overheard. We approached the banks of the Pasig and sat down.
“What can we do now? General Ver is closer to the President, and the people are even more eager to get rid of the old man. Time is running out before that housewife gains even more support from the people,” I hissed. Tadiar nodded in agreement. “Perhaps we could go somewhere where there is a telephone.”
Tadiar shook his head. “We can’t risk it. The President would be monitoring the phone calls being made from Malacanang Palace. We need to reach out to General Honasan first and foremost, but more importantly, we need to get a hold of the two coup leaders who were jailed.”
“And who are the jailed coup leaders, if I may ask?” I asked again. Tadiar gazed at me and spoke in a hushed tone.
“Majors Doromal and Aromin.”
--- SPLIT WITHIN AFP! ENRILE AND RAMOS RESIGNS FROM THEIR POSTS AS TADIAR BREAKS OUT SUSPECTED COUP LEADERS FREE FROM IMPRISONMENT
Manila Times
February 23, 1986Manila, PHILIPPINES – In a sense of growing rift between the embattled President Ferdinand Marcos and the rest of his government, Defense Minister Juan Ponce Enrile, as well as former leader of the Philippine Constabulary Fidel Ramos, have resigned from their posts. The sudden resignation of these two military leaders demonstrate the weakening power of the president as the protesters continue to gather around EDSA to depose him. The resignation also comes at a time when the President is facing a possible inquiry into the Ortigas Avenue incident where a section of the Philippine Marines led by Colonel Artemio Tadiar had opened fire on the protesters by accident, resulting in 14 protesters shot dead. Additionally, other units of the Philippine Marines in their frustration at the growing boldness of the protesters to come closer towards them, began to fire upon them, adding the number of dead civilians in the process.
“We condemn the actions of the Philippine Marines, whom in their misguided efforts to stop the protesters from peacefully conducting their demonstrations, have responded in such brutal manner,” says Fidel Ramos from Camp Aguinaldo after he and Enrile had started to send their envoys to the Aquino camp. “The blood of these demonstrators is on the hands of Ferdinand Marcos and Colonel Tadiar.”
However, Colonel Tadiar had responded by taking command of the Philippine Marines unit that had taken part in the Ortigas Avenue massacre by breaking into Camp Aguinaldo where the two captured coup leaders, Major Saulito Aromin and Major Edgardo Doromal, were being held. Upon their release from captivity, both Majors Aromin and Doromal swore their allegiance to Colonel Tadiar, who then gave him information about the strength of the loyalist forces surrounding Malacanang Palace. Consequently, Colonel Tadiar began to send his own envoys to the Reform the Armed Forces movement, who are spearheading the attempts to depose President Marcos.
“While it is regrettable that many civilians had died and it is also regrettable that some of our soldiers had panicked, their deaths could have been prevented by not approaching us with any kind of intention at all,” Tadiar says from Camp Aguinaldo. “I apologize to the families of the victims of our transgressions, but all of this would have been prevented.”
Several sources from within the Reform the Armed Forces have been skeptical about Colonel Tadiar’s attempts at reconciliation between his Marines and the RAM faction, but the colonel’s goodwill had not been in vain when he released the two ex-captive Majors into the custody of General Gregorio Honasan. In response to the release of Majors Aromin and Doromal, the RAM faction began to negotiate for a truce between the Philippine Army and the Philippine Marines. Additionally, unconfirmed news of defections from the Marcos government to both the Aquino camp and Tadiar’s camp of several units of the Philippine Navy and Air Force, with the 15th Strike Wing being the most notable of the squadron that defected to the Aquino camp.
 Fidel Ramos and Juan Ponce Enrile briefing some of the reporters who came to interview them on their defection from the Marcos regime to the opposition. None of them had also commented on the possibility of including then-Colonel Tadiar into the post-Marcos administration. --- “While we remain divided, we cannot hope to win against the dictator who still controls the Presidency. However, one good deed cannot eliminate the sins that are committed in the name of the nation. Therefore, I beseech the military, especially those who remained loyal to the President, with an offer: a general amnesty to those who switch sides to our faction. Join us and we shall forge a new democracy in this great nation. It is for this reason that I will approach Colonel Artemio Tadiar and his Marines with the same offer I’ve sent to all the soldiers, sailors and pilots: join us and you can make up for your own crimes you have all committed.” – Corazon Aquino in a speech in front of Radio Veritas, February 23, 1986. --- Excerpts from the Banahaw Broadcasting Corporation Coverage of the EDSA Revolution
February 23, 1986
(We see TV Reporter Oliver Kidlat in front of Radio Veritas)
Kidlat: Here we are in front of Radio Veritas where Cardinal Sin has entered the building, followed by civilian supporters who volunteered to be his personal guards. (points at Cardinal Sin entering the office of Radio Veritas) The demonstrators who are showing support for Cory Aquino has made a human barricade in order to stop any potential pro-regime forces or counterdemonstrators from entering. We are waiting for Cardinal Sin to issue a broadcast. However, we are receiving unconfirmed reports of negotiations between the Aquino camp and Colonel Tadiar’s faction on a possible joining of forces against President Marcos. Is this confirmed yet, Vilma?
(Scene turns to Vilma Pascual, who is still at Ortigas Avenue in front of several ambulances retrieving the bodies of murdered nuns)
Pascual: Not yet, but some of Tadiar’s own subordinates are begging their superior to join forces with the Aquino camp, despite the massacres that were committed by his own troops. However, the Reform the Armed Forces are more vocal in opposing Colonel Tadiar’s inclusion into the Aquino camp precisely because of the massacres. General Honasan has made it clear that Colonel Tadiar should not be included.
Kidlat: Will that be a main problem for the Aquino camp if they excluded Colonel Tadiar? So far, he is the only officer who commands the Philippine Marines that has recently fell out with President Marcos. Just two hours ago, General Fabian Ver has announced that Colonel Tadiar is being stripped of his rank and demoted to Lieutenant as punishment for the incident, but…(pauses as a helicopter flies overhead) We just saw a helicopter flown by one of the pro-government troops and they are on their way to either kill more protesters or to engage the mutineers.
Pascual: (scene goes back to the ambulances) Were they flying from Camp Aguinaldo?
Kidlat: (shakes his head) I do not think so. I think they flew from Sangley Point, but it is not confirmed if it belongs to the pro-government forces because of multiple claims and reports of defections from other branches of the military. (Pauses for a minute) We are getting a message from inside Radio Veritas. Cardinal Sin will give his sermon right now.
---
Excerpts from Cardinal Sin’s Proclamation Speech
February 23, 1986
“To our fellow countrymen. Though hard times await us while the dictator in power continue to rule, it is clear to us that God is on the side of those who seek justice for the crimes Ferdinand Marcos committed during his reign of terror. Millions of Filipinos whose lives were destroyed because of his pursuit of ultimate power. However, let us not be afraid of his tyrannical power, for it is weakening as we speak. While men like Colonel Tadiar have committed an act of murder against innocent civilians, it was done out of fear and terror as they did not know what to do when our fellow servants of God have tried to reason with them to join the opposition. Our prayers go towards the martyrs who gave their lives to destroy this dictatorship.
My dear people, we all must pray for justice to be done, because it is only through our vigil that we will solve the problem and to deliver ourselves from evil. I am Cardinal Sin, and I beseech you, fellow countrymen and Christians who believe in the Lord, to support our two good friends at Camp Aguinaldo, Juan Ponce Enrile and Fidel Ramos, because they have seen the light and chose to side with the righteous leader who will bring us out of the darkness. Let us pray, not only for Misters Enrile and Ramos, but for Colonel Artemio Tadiar and his men to seek redemption for their sins. Let us not witness anymore bloodshed, for we are more civilized than the other dictatorships who continue to hold their grip on power.” – Jaime Cardinal Sin while giving a speech inside Radio Veritas. --- VATICAN APPLAUDS EFFORTS BY PHILIPPINE GOVERNMENT TO HOLD FREE ELECTIONS
Die Welt
April 30, 2016
Vatican City, HOLY SEE – Speaking in front of millions of Roman Catholics who visited the Vatican, Pope Benedict XVI praised the Philippines for holding the country’s first free elections since 1986. In addition, many of the candidates opposed to the military junta campaigned on the platform of arresting and extraditing several Philippine military leaders to the Hague to stand trial for crimes against humanity, among the most wanted of the criminals being former Major General Artemio Tadiar. Tadiar is infamous for his role in the massacre that occurred on February 22, 1986, when anti-government protesters took to the streets to protest the electoral fraud committed by former dictator Ferdinand Marcos.
“We are happy to see democracy come back to the Philippines after decades of dictatorship,” says Pope Benedict XVI in front of supporters. “Moreover, we are eager to re-establish diplomatic ties between the Holy See and our faithful ally in the Far East.”
The Philippines and the Holy See had severed diplomatic ties with each other in 1988 when Tadiar, who was then promoted from Colonel to Brigadier General despite the late dictator’s order to demote him (an order that ultimately was rescinded by Corazon Aquino) by the emerging Council for National Sovereignty, for his efforts in combating the communist rebels and Muslim secessionists in the southern Philippines. Despite his efforts, Artemio Tadiar had unofficially kept diplomatic back channels to the Vatican through members of the infamous Opus Dei organization, as well as the Society of Saint Pius X. However, the Council for National Sovereignty had officially pursued a policy of strict secularism, primarily because of the role that the Roman Catholic Church played in the downfall of Ferdinand Marcos and fearing that he would meet the same fate as the late dictator, Tadiar had targeted the Catholic Bishops’ Conference of the Philippines for political persecution. Moreover, the junta had received backing from prominent foreign conservative clergymen, such as Juan Ignacio Larrea Holguin, the Archbishop of Guayaquil, based in Ecuador, and Adolfo Rodriguez Vidal, the Archbishop of Los Angeles, Chile.
Not surprisingly, the CNS would restore diplomatic ties with Augusto Pinochet’s dictatorship in Chile in 1989, after a debacle that occurred during Pinochet’s aborted attempts to visit the Philippines when his plane refuelled in Fiji and was subjected to protests by locals while the Fijian military subjected the plane to invasive searches, leading to the expulsion of the Philippine ambassador to Chile. Both Tadiar and Pinochet became the archetype of a military dictator, in which they used their militaries to suppress their political opponents. However, Pinochet criticized Tadiar for targeting the Roman Catholic Church for its political persecution, a subject that remained a sore point between the two dictators. The relationship between the two states is a constant source of criticism made by Chilean President Evelyn Matthei and hopes that the new elections will see the restoration of democracy in the Philippines.
 Pope Benedict XVI addressing the public on the optimism of restoring diplomatic ties between the Philippines and the Holy See. --- JESSE JACKSON WINS SOUTH CAROLINA PRIMARIES OVER RIVALS, PHILIPPINES A HOT TOPIC
Los Angeles Times
May 28th, 1988
Charleston, SOUTH CAROLINA – In an unsurprising turn of events, Democrat candidate Jesse Jackson has won the South Carolina Primary over his major rivals, among them Al Gore Jr. and Michael Dukakis. While the domestic issues were being debated on an even level, the topic of the recently established military junta in the Philippines has become a hot topic, with Jackson being the only candidate who supported the imposing of sanctions on the island nation until the junta releases Corazon Aquino from her imprisonment in the Philippine province of Tarlac on orders from newly appointed junta leader Brigadier General Artemio Tadiar.
“My heart goes out to the people of the Philippines who now have to deal with a second dictatorship. The junta should not have been allowed to happen, but because of President Reagan’s blind eye on Brigadier General Tadiar’s brutal crackdown on civilian protesters, I feel that I have a moral duty to see my campaign through to the bitter end,” says Jackson in front of supporters.
California has also been emerging as a major battleground between Jesse Jackson’s campaign and that of incumbent Vice President George H. W. Bush, with the local Filipino American community in California being courted for political support. Much of the population in California of Filipino descent are political refugees who fled from the Philippines because of the Marcos dictatorship, with recent arrivals fleeing as a result of Tadiar’s crackdown. When asked about the status of the US military bases in the Philippines if it will change as a result of the junta, Bush had this to say.
“While it is important for us to maintain these bases in the Philippines in the face of communist aggression, we cannot turn a blind eye on the human rights abuses being committed by the junta,” Bush comments while campaigning in Sacramento. “What is important is that we remain committed to restoring democracy in the Philippines, and the best way to do that would be to convince the military coup leaders of 1986 to release and pardon the jailed opposition activists.”
 Jessie Jackson stops to meet his supporters while campaigning in Illinois. Jackson's efforts to build a stronger rainbow coalition for his presidential campaign also includes the Filipino American community in the United States, which has grown louder and stronger since the military junta that Brigadier General Artemio Tadiar established in 1987 began to crack down on political activity of their opponents. --- (1) I don't care if it's your fault! (2) Call Generals Honasan and Colonel Bibit. (3) Wait. First, call Colonel Bibit. (Billy Bibit) (4) Why? The RAM supports Cory Aquino! --- Previous Chapter: Chapter OneNext Chapter: Chapter Three
|
|
gillan1220
Fleet admiral
I've been depressed recently. Slow replies coming in the next few days.
Posts: 12,609
Likes: 11,326
|
Post by gillan1220 on Dec 10, 2020 3:10:41 GMT
Korea is reunified by TTL's present day, although it is hinted that the reunification might take place in the 2000s, as indicated by how the attempted joint bids made during TTL's proposal to hold the 2002 FIFA World Cup in the former South Korea. However, the eruption of Mount Pinatubo had rendered most of the US military bases in the Philippines useless, so the US military will pull out of the country on schedule. It's how the junta handles the Mount Pinatubo eruption that will be the main focus of it all. 9/11, I'm not sure if that may still happen, given that there will be several factors that may lead to it not happening. However, the junta in control of the Philippines may also mean China becomes much more bolder in the Spratly Islands dispute, so I wouldn't be surprised if they would also go to war with the other claimants in the sea with the two names (I don't like to refer to it by the South China Sea for personal and nationalist reasons). The conflict would also have its roots in the Johnson South Reef Skirmish, which will still happen ITTL. We might also take a look at the 1986 US midterm elections as well, since they might be affected by the events in the Philippines, but the 1988 US presidential elections will definitely be a game changer. I do the see the butterflies when it comes to sports and pop-culture such as the upcoming FIFA in the US by 2022 ITTL. There may be no 9/11 but maybe an equivalent will arise (i.e. Oplan Bojinka). |
|
|
|
Post by TheRomanSlayer on Dec 10, 2020 5:34:18 GMT
Oplan Bojinka might happen on a different scale, but the junta might have tightened security around the country. You could see a bigger clash in Mindanao as a result of a larger uprising by the Muslim population there.
Pop culture will be completely dark in the Philippines because there might be more censorship from the junta there, but conversely you could see a larger exodus of Filipino actors and actressed fleeing overseas. I could also say that the Philippine national men's football team will definitely be gutted due to the dual nationals choosing not to play for the Philippines (ie: Michael Falkesgaard choosing to play for Denmark in the senior level of his international career and Stephan Schrock opting to represent Germany).
There might also be some minor retcons and edits in previous chapters as well.
|
|
